A History of Rome, Vol 1 by A H.J. Greenidge

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[217] Val. Max. iv. 4. 6.

[218] Steinwender _Die roemische Buergerschaft in ihrem Verhaeltnis zum
Heere_ p. 28.

[219] App. _Bell. Civ_. i. 7.

[220] Polyb. vi. 39.

[221] Liv. xxvii. 9 (209 B.C.) Fremitus enim inter Latinos sociosque in
conciliis ortus:--Decimum annum dilectibus, stipendiis se exhaustos esse
... Duodecim (coloniae) ... negaverunt consulibus esse unde milites
pecuniamque darent.

[222] Nitzsch _Die Gracchen_ p. 194.

[223] Cato _R.R_. 144 etc.

[224] Nitzsch _Die Gracchen_ p. 187.

[225] Cato _R.R_. 5. 136.

[226] Cato _R.R_. 136 Politionem quo pacto _partiario_ dari oporteat.
In agro Casinate et Venafro in loco bono parti octava corbi dividat,
satis bono septima, tertio loco sexta; si granum modio dividet, parti
quinta. In Venafro ager optimus nona parti corbi dividat ... Hordeum
quinta modio, fabam quinta modio dividat.

[227] Nitzsch _Die Gracchen_ p. 188.

[228] Dureau de la Malle _Economie Politique_ ii. pp. 225, 226.

[229] Cato _R.R_. i. 7 Vinea est prima,... secundo loco hortus
inriguus, tertio salictum, quarto oletum, quinto pratum, sexto campus
frumentarius, septimo silva caedua, octavo arbustum, nono glandaria
silva.

[230] Cic. _de Rep_. iii. 9. 16 Nos vero justissimi homines, qui
Transalpinas gentis oleam et vitem serere non sinimus, quo pluris sint
nostra oliveta nostraeque vineae. Cf. Colum. iii. 3. 11.

[231] See Cato _R.R_. 7, 8 for the produce of the _fundus suburbanus_.
Cf. c. 1 (note 2) for the value of the _hortus inriguus_.

[232] See the citations in Voigt (Iwan-Mueller's _Handbuch_ iv. 2 p.
370). Communities and corporations employed _coloni_ on their _agri
vectigales_ (Cic. _ad Fam_. xiii. 11, 1; Hygin. _de Cond. Agr_.
p. 117. 11; Voigt l.c.).

[233] Liv. xlv. 34.

[234] Mahaffy ("The Slave Wars against Rome" in _Hermathena_ no. xvi.
1890) believes that the majority of these were shipped to Sicily.

[235] Strabo xiv. 5. 2.

[236] Cf. Arist. _Pol_. i. 8. 12 [Greek: _hae polemikae physei ktaetikae
pos estai; hae gar thaereutikae meros autaes, hae dei chraesthai pros te
ta thaeria kai ton anthropon hosoi pephykotes archesthai mae thelousin,
hos physei dikaion touton onta ton polemon_.]

[237] Mahaffy (l.c.) thinks that the Syrians and Cilicians of the
first slave war in Sicily, whom he believes to have been transferred
from Carthage, had been secured by that state in a trade with the
East--the trade which perhaps took the Southern Mediterranean route from
Malta past Crete and Cyprus.

[238] Wallon _Histoire de l'Esclavage_ ii. p, 45.

[239] Strabo xiv, 3. 2 [Greek: _en Sidae goun polei taes Pamphylias ta
naupaegia synistato tois Kilixin, hypo kaeruka te epoloun ekei tous
halontas eleutherous homologountes_.]

[240] Strabo (xiv. 5. 2), after describing the slave market at Delos,
continues [Greek: _hoste kai paroimian genesthai dia touto; hempore,
katapleuson, exelou, panta pepratai_.]

[241] Plut. _Cato Maj_. 4.

[242] If we make the denarius a rough equivalent of the drachma, some of
the prices given in Plautus are as follows:--A child, 600 denarii, a
nurse and two female children, 1800, a young girl, 2000, another 3000.
Here we seem to get the average prices for valuable and refined
domestics. Elsewhere special circumstances might increase the value; a
female lyrist fetches 5000 denarii, a girl of remarkable attractions
6000. See Wallon _Hist. de l'Esclavage ii. pp. 160 ff.

[243] Ter. _Andria_ ii. 6. 26.

[244] It is probable, however, that in the case of superintendents
(_villici, villicae, procuratores_) experience may have been an element
in the prices which they fetched.

[245] Festus p. 332 Sardi venales, alius alio nequior.

[246] Plut. _Cato Maj_. 21.

[247] Cato _R.R_. 56, 57.

[248] Ibid. 2.

[249] At the close of this period a division took place between the
functions of _villicus_ and those of _procurator_. The former still
controlled the economy of the estate and administered its goods; the
latter was the business agent and entered into legal relations with
other parties. See Voigt in Iwan-Mueller's _Handbuch_ iv. 2 p. 368.

[250] Colum. i. 6.

[251] An inspection of all the _ergastula_ of Italy was ordered by
Augustus (Suet. _Aug_. 32) and Tiberius (Suet. _Tib_. 8). Columella (i.
8) recommends inspection by the master.

[252] Kidnapping became very frequent after the civil wars. It was to
prevent this evil that inspection was ordered by the Emperors (note 3).
See Thedenat in Daremberg-Saglio _Dict. des Antiq. s.v_. Ergastulum.

[253] Plaut. _Most_. i. 1. 18; Florus iii. 19.

[254] For the distinction between the _vincti_ and _soluti_ see Colum.
i. 7.

[255] Varro _R.R_. ii. 2 10 The proportion is larger than would be
demanded in modern times, but Mahaffy (l.c.) remarks that we do not
hear of the work of guardianship being shared by trained dogs, and that
the danger from wild beasts and lawless classes was considerable. As
regards the first point, however, we do hear of packs of hounds which
followed the Sicilian shepherds (Diod. xxxiv. 2), and it is difficult to
believe that these had not developed some kind of training.

[256] Varro _R.R_. ii. 10. 7.

[257] Diod, xxxiv. 2. 38.

[258] Val. Max. ii. 10. 2.

[259] Livy (xxxii. 26) speaks of them as _nationis eius_. He has just
mentioned the slaves of the Carthaginian hostages. But it does not
follow that either class was composed of native Africans. They may have
been imported Asiatics, as in Sicily.

[260] Liv. xxxii. 26.

[261] Liv. xxxiii. 36 Etruriam infestam prope conjuratio servorum fecit.

[262] Liv. xxxix. 29.

[263] Buecher _Die Aufstaende der unfreien Arbeiter_ p. 34. Cf. Soltau
in _Kulturgesch. des klass. Altertums_ p. 326.

[264] Oros. v. 9 Diodor. xxxiv. 2. 19.

[265] Mahaffy l.c.

[266] Cf. Buecher op. cit. p. 79.

[267] Diod. xxxiv. 2. 27. For the large number of Roman proprietors in
Sicily see Florus ii. 7 (iii. 19) 3--(Sicilia) terra frugum ferax et
quodam modo suburbana provincia latifundis civium Romanorum tenebatur.

[268] Diod. xxxiv. 2. 32. 36.

[269] Diod. l.c.

[270] Diod. xxxiv. 2. 31. This may have been true of the time of which
we are speaking; for the influence of the Roman residents in Sicily on
the administration of the island must always have been great. But
Diodorus assigns an incorrect reason when he states that the Roman
knights of Sicily were judges of the governors of the provinces. This is
true only of the period preceding the second servile war.

[271] Historians profess to tell the mechanism by which this device was
secured. A spark of fire was placed with inflammable material in a
hollow nut or some similar small object, which was perforated. The
receptacle was placed in the mouth, and judicious breathing did the
rest. See Diodorus xxxiv, 2. 7; Floras ii. 7 (iii. 19).

[272] Nitzsch _Die Gracchen_ p. 228.

[273] Diod. xxxiv. 2. 24 [Greek: _hypo gar taes pepromenaes autois
kekyrosthai taen patrida taen Ennan, ousan akropolin holaes
taes naesou_.]

[274] Ibid. 2. 12 [Greek: _oud estin eipein ... hosa enybrizon te kai
enaeselgainon_.]

[275] [Greek: _planon te apekaloun_] (Diod. xxxiv. 2. 14).

[276] Diodor. xxxiv. 3. 41.

[277] Ibid. 2. 39.

[278] Ibid., 2, 24.

[279] Liv. _Ep_. lv.; App. _Syr_. 68. Cf. Nitzsch _Die Gracchen_ p. 288.

[280] Diodorus describes him as an Achaean. Mahaffy (l.c.) suspects
that he came from Eastern Asia Minor or Syria, where Achaeus occurs as a
royal name. But the name also occurs in old Greece. One may instance the
tragic poet of Eretria.

[281] [Greek: _kai boulae kai cheiri diapheron_] (Diod. xxxiv. 2. 16).

[282] Ibid. 2. 42.

[283] Florus ii. 7 (iii. 19). 6.

[284] Diod. xxxiv. 2. 43.

[285] Ibid. 2. 18; Florus l.c.

[286] Florus ii. 7 (iii. 19). 7 Quin illud quoque ultimum dedecus belli,
capta sunt castra praetorum--nec nominare ipsos pudebit--castra Manli
Lentuli, Pisonis Hypsaei. Itaque qui per fugitivarios abstrahi
debuissent praetorios duces profugos praelio ipsi sequebantur. P.
Popillius Laenas, the consul of 132 B.C., was praetor in Sicily either
immediately before, or during the revolt (C.I.L. i. n. 351. l. g).

[287] Strabo vi. 2. 6. For the question whether they held Messana
see p. 98.

[288] Florus ii. 7 (iii. 19). 2 Quis crederet Siciliam multo cruentius
servili quam Punico bello esse vastatam?

[289] [Greek: _epi tae prophasei ton drapeton_] (Diodor. xxxiv. 2. 48).
Wallon (_Hist. de l'Esclavage_ ii. p. 307) takes these words to mean
that the peasantry professed to be marching against the slaves.

[290] Mahaffy (l.c.) has raised and discussed this question. His
conclusions are (i) that the pirates may have been influenced by a sense
of business honour to the effect that the man-stealer should abide by
his bargain, (ii) that these pirates may have received some large bribe,
direct or indirect, from Rome, (iii) that the natural enmity between the
slaves and the pirates may have hindered an agreement for transport,
(iv) that the Cilician slaves, accustomed to permanent robber-bands, may
have not held it impossible that Rome would acquiesce in such a creation
in Sicily, (v) that the Syrian towns would not have troubled about the
restoration of such of their members as had become slaves, even had they
not feared to offend Rome. He remarks that the return of even free
exiles to a Hellenistic city was a cause of great disturbance.

[291] Liv. _Ep_. lvi.; Oros. v. 9.

[292] C.I.L. i. nn. 642, 643.

[293] Oros. v. 9. This _Mamertium oppidum_ of Orosius has often been
interpreted as Messana (_Mamertinorum oppidum_, Buecher, p. 68); for,
although the slaves of this town had not revolted (Oros. v. 6. 4), it
might have been captured by the rebels. Schaefer, however (_Jahrb. f.
Class. Philol_. 1873 p. 71) explains Mamertium as Morgantia
(_Murgentinum oppidum_).

[294] Val. Max. ix. 12 _ext_. 1. Diodorus (xxxiv. 2. 20) calls him
Comanus and speaks of his being captured during the siege of
Tauromenium.

[295] Oros. v. 9.

[296] Wallon _Hist. de l'Esclavage_ ii. p. 308.

[297] Florus ii. 7 (iii. 19). 8.

[298] For the _lex Rupilia_ see Cic. _in Verr_. ii. 13. 32; 15. 37; 16.
39; 24. 59.

[299] Plut. _Ti. Gracch_. 8. Plutarch speaks of an "attempt" ([Greek:
_epecheiraese men oun tae diorthosei_]); but the effort perhaps went no
further than the testing of opinion to discover the probability of
support. The enterprise may have belonged to the praetorship of Laelius
(145 B.C.).

[300] Polyb. vi. 11.

[301] Nitzsch _Die Gracchen_ p. 203.

[302] Cic. _Brut_. 27. 104 Fuit Gracchus diligentia Corneliae matris a
puero doctus et Graecis litteris eruditus. Id. Ib. 58. 211 Legimus
epistulas Corneliae matris Gracchorum: apparet filios non tam in gremio
educatos quam in sermone matris. Cf. Quinctil. _Inst. Or_. i. 1. 6;
Plut. _Ti. Gracch_. 1.

[303] Plut. _Ti. Gracch_. 1. The King referred to in this story is
perhaps Ptolemy Euergetes, who reigned from 146 to 117 B.C.

[304] Plut. _Ti. Gracch_. 8.

[305] Nitzsch _Die Gracchen_ pp. 208 foll., 258.

[306] Polyb. vi. 14 [Greek: _krinei men oun ho daemos kai diaphorou_]
(money penalties) [Greek: _pollakis ... thanatou de krinei monos_].

[307] Polyb. vi. 16 [Greek: _opheilousi d' aei poiein oi daemarchoi to
dokoun to daemo kai malista stochazesthai taes toutou boulaeseos_].

[308] Polyb. vi. 57.

[309] Polyb. xxxvii. 4.

[310] Ibid.

[311] Plut. _Ti. Gracch_. 2.

[312] Ibid., 4 [Greek: _outos haen periboaetos hoste taes ton Augouron
legomenaes hierosonaes axiothaenai di' aretaen mallon hae dia taen
eugeneian_.] Tiberius may have filled the place vacated by the death of
his father (_circa_ 148 B.C.). He would have been barely sixteen; and
Plutarch says (l.c.) that he had but just emerged from boyhood.
Election to the augural college at this time was effected by
co-optation. See Underhill in loc.

[313] Plut. _Ti. Gracch_. 4.

[314] Cic. _pro Cael_. 14. 34; Suet. _Tib_. 2.

[315] Plut. _Ti. Gracch_. 4. The story is also told of the betrothal of
Cornelia herself to the elder Gracchus (Liv. xxxviii. 57; Val. Max. iv.
2. 3; Gell. xii. 8); but Plutarch records a statement of Polybius that
Cornelia was not betrothed until after her father's death, and Livy
(l.c.) is conscious of this version.

[316] Fannius ap. Plut. _Ti. Gracch_. 4 [Greek: _tou ge teichous
epebae ton polemion protos_]. As the context seems to show that Tiberius
did not remain until the end of the siege, the _teichos_ was probably
that of Megara, the suburb of Carthage (Nitzsch _Die Gracchen_ p. 244);
cf. App. _Lib_. 117.

[317] Plut. l.c.

[318] Plut. _Ti. Gracch_. 7; cf. App. _Iber_. 83; Nitzsch _Die
Gracchen_ p. 280; Long _Decline of Rom. Rep_. i. p. 83.

[319] Plut. l.c.

[320] Vellei. ii. 1 Mancinum verecundia, poenam non recusando, perduxit
huc, ut per fetialis nudus ac post tergam religatis manibus dederetur
hostibus. Plut. _Ti. Gracch_. 7 [Greek: _ton men gar hypaton
epsaephisanto gymnon kai dedemenon paradounai tois Nomantinois, ton d'
allon epheisanto panton dia Tiberion_.] Cf. Cic. _de Off_. iii.
30. 109.

[321] Cic. _Brut_. 27. 103 (Ti. Gracchus) propter turbulentissimum
tribunatum, ad quem ex invidia foederis Numantini bonis iratus
accesserat, ab ipsa re publica est interfectus. Id. _de Har. Resp_. 20.
43 Ti. Graccho invidia Numantini foederis, cui feriendo, quaestor C.
Mancini consulis cum esset, interfuerat, et in eo foedere improbando
senatus severitas dolori et timori fuit, eaque res illum fortem et
clarum virum a gravitate patrum desciscere coegit. The same motive is
suggested by Vellei. ii. 2; Quinctil. _Inst. Or_. vii. 4. 13; Dio Cass.
_frg_. 82; Oros. v. 8. 3; Florus ii. 2 (iii. 14).

[322] Plut. _Ti. Gracch_. 8.

[323] Plut. l.c.

[324] Plut. l.c.

[325] Gell. i. 13. 10 Is Crassas a Sempronio Asellione et plerisque
aliis historiae Romanae scriptoribus traditur habuisse quinque rerum
bonarum maxima et praecipua: quod esset ditissimus, quod nobilissimus,
quod eloquentissimus, quod jurisconsultissimus, quod pontifex maximus.

[326] Cic. _Acad. Prior_. ii. 5. 13 Duo ... sapientissimos et
clarissimos fratres, P. Crassum et P. Scaevolam, aiunt Ti. Graccho
auctores legum fuisse, alterum quidem, ut videmus, palam; alterum, ut
suspicantur, obscurius.

[327] Plut. _Ti. Gracch_. 9.

[328] App. _Bell. Civ_. i. 9 [Greek: _esemnologaese peri tou Italikou
genous_]. The expression suggests the further question whether Gracchus
intended Italians, as well as Romans, to benefit by his law. On this
question see p. 115. But, whatever our opinion on this point, the
widening of the issue by an appeal to Italian interests was natural, if
not inevitable.

[329] App. l.c.

[330] Plut. _Ti. Gracch_. 9.

[331] App. _Bell. Civ_. i. 9; cf. Plut. _Ti. Gracch_. 8.

[332] The most respectable of the authorities for the Licinian law
having dealt with the land question is Varro (_R.R_. 1. 2. 9 Stolonis
illa lex, quae vetat plus D jugera habere civem R). A similar account is
found in many other authors (Liv. vi. 35; Vellei. ii. 6; Plut. _Cam_.
39; Gell. vi. 3. 40; Val. Max. viii. 6. 3). A variant in the maximum
amount permitted to a single holder is given by [Victor] _de Vir. Ill_.
20 [(Licinius Stolo) legem scivit, ne cui plebeio plus centum jugera
agri habere liceret]; or the word "plebeio," if not a mistake, may
suggest another clause in the supposed law.

[333] Cato ap. Gell. vi. (vii.) 3. 37. Cato asks whether any enactment
punishes _intent_ (for the Rhodians were charged with having _intended_
hostility to Rome), and points his argument by the following _reductio
ad absurdum_ of legislation conceived in this spirit, Si quis plus
quingenta jugera habere voluerit, tanta poena esto: si quis majorem
pecuum numerum habere voluerit, tantum damnas esto.

[334] On this subject see Niese _Das sogenannte Licinisch-sextische
Ackergesetz_ (Hermes xxiii. 1888), Soltau _Das Aechtheit des licinischen
Ackergesetzes von_ 367 v. Chr. (Hermes xxx. 1895).

[335] Mommsen in C.I.L. i. pp. 75 ff.

[336] Cic. _de Leg. Agr_. ii. 29. 81 Nec duo Gracchi, qui de plebis
Romanae commodis plurimum cogitaverunt, nec L. Sulla ... agrum Campanum
attingere ausus est. Cf. i. 7. 21.

[337] Exemptions were specified in the agrarian law of C. Gracchus,
which must have appeared in that of his elder brother. They are noticed
in the extant _Lex agraria_ (C.I.L. 1. n. 200; Bruns _Fontes_ 1. 3.
11) l. 6 Extra eum agrum, quei ager ex lege plebive scito, quod C.
Sempronius Ti. f. tr. pl. rog(avit), exceptum cavitumve est nei
divideretur.... The law of C. Gracchus is here mentioned as being the
later enactment. Cicero, when he writes (_ad Att_. 1. 19. 4) of his own
attitude to the Flavian agrarian law of 60 B.C. Liberabam agrum eum, qui
P. Mucio L. Calpurnio consulibus publicus fuisset, is probably referring
to land that, public in 133 B.C., still remained public in his own day.

[338] See Voigt _Ueber die staatsrechtliche Possessio und den Ager
Compascuus_ p. 229.

[339] App. _Bell. Civ_. 1. 9 [Greek: _anekainize ton nomon maedena ton
pentakosion plethron pleon hechein, paisi d' auton hyper ton palaion
nomon prosetithei ta haemisea touton_]. Liv. _Ep_. lviii. Ne quis ex
publico agro plus quam mille jugera possideret, cf. [Victor] _de Vir.
Ill_. 64. The conclusion stated in the text, which is gained by a
combination of these passages, is, however, somewhat hazardous.

[340] App, _Bell, Civ_. 1. 11 [Greek: _ekeleue tous plousious ... mae,
en ho peri mikron diapherontai, ton pleonon hyperidein, misthon hama
taes peponaemenaes exergasias autarkae pheromenous taen exaireton aneu
timaes ktaesin es aei bebaion hekasto pentakosion plethron, kai paisin,
ois eisi paides, ekasto kai touton ta haemisea_]. If [Greek: _aneu
timaes_] means "without paying for it," the phrase has no relation to
the _timae_ mentioned by Plutarch (see the next note) which was a
valuation to be _received_ by the dispossessed. It can scarcely mean
"without further compensation"; but, if interpreted in this way, the two
accounts can be brought into some relation with each other.

[341] Plut, _Ti. Gracch_. 9 [Greek: _ekeleuse timaen proslambanontas
ekbainein hon adikos ekektaento_].

[342] Siculus Flaccus (p. 136 Lachm.); cf. Mommsen l.c.

[343] There is a reference to this limit in the extant _Lex Agraria_ (C.
I. L. i. n. 200; Bruns _Fontes_ 1. 3. 11) l. 14 Sei quis ... agri jugra
Non amplius xxx possidebit habebitve, but there is no direct evidence to
connect it with the Gracchan legislation.

[344] App. _Bell. Civ_. i. 10.

[345] Cf. p. 110.

[346] Mommsen l.c.

[347] App, _Bell. Civ_. i. 10

[348] Cic. _de Leg. Agr_. ii. 12. 31 Audes etiam, Rulle, mentionem
facere legis Semproniae, nec te ea lex ipsa commonet III viros illos
XXXV tribuum suffragio creatos esse? App. _Bell. Civ_. i. 9 [Greek:
_prosetithei ... taen loipaen treis airetous andras, henallassomenous
kat' hetos, dianemein tois penaesin_]. Strachan-Davidson (in loc.)
doubts this latter characteristic of the magistracy. The history of the
land-commission proves at least that the occupants of the post were
perpetually re-eligible and could be chosen in their absence. Thus
Gracchus, in spite of his two years' quaestorship in Sardinia, was still
a commissioner in 124 B.C. (App. _Bell. Civ_. i. 21). See Mommsen
_Staatsr_. ii. i. p. 632. The electing body was doubtless the _plebeian_
assembly of the tribes under the guidance of a tribune. This was the
mode prescribed by Rullus's law of 63 B.C. (Cic. _de Leg. Agr_, ii.
7. 16).

[349] App. _Bell, Civ_. i. 11.

[350] Cf. App. _Bell. Civ_. i. 10.

[351] App. l.c. [Greek: _daneistai te chrea kai tautaes epedeiknuon_.]

[352] App. l.c. [Greek: _plaethos hallo hoson en tais apoikois polesin
hae tais isopolitisin hae hallos ekoinonei taesde taes gaes, dediotes
homoios epaeesan kai es hekaterous auton diemerizonto. isopolitides_]
would naturally be the _municipia (c.f. Lex Agraria_ l. 31); but
Strachan-Davidson (in loc.) thinks that the _civitates foederatae_ are
here intended. There is a possibility that Appian has used the term
vaguely: but there is no real difficulty in conceiving the _municipia_
to be meant. Even the majority, that had received Roman citizenship,
still continued to bear the name, and they may have continued to enjoy
municipal rights in public land. The wealthier classes in these towns
were therefore alarmed; the poorer classes (possessed of Roman
citizenship) hoped for a share in the assignment.

[353] Plut. _Ti. Gracch_. 10.

[354] Plut. l.c.

[355] Plut. l.c.

[356] Plut. l.c. [Greek: _ouden eipein legontai peri allaelon phlauron,
oude rhaema prospesein thaterou pros ton heteron di' horgaen
anepitaedeion_.]

[357] Diod. xxxiv 6 [Greek: _synerreon eis taen Rhomaen oi hochloi apo
taes choras hosperei potamoi tines eis taen panta dynamenaen dechesthai
thalattan_.]

[358] App. _Bell. Civ_. i. 12.

[359] Plut. _Ti. Gracch_. 10 [Greek: _paroxyntheis ho Tiberios ton men
philanthropon epaneileto nomon, ton d' haedio te tois pollois kai
sphodroteron epi tous adikountas eisepheren haedae, keleuon existasthai
taes choras haen ekektaento para tous proterous nomous_]. Plutarch is
apparently thinking of the abolition of what he calls the _timae_
(c. 9.); but his words do not necessarily imply that the original
concessions mentioned by Appian (p. 114) were removed.

[360] Plut. _Ti. Gracch_. 10.

[361] Plut. l.c.

[362] App. _Bell. Civ_. 1. 12. Plutarch (_Ti. Gracch_. 11) preserves a
tradition that the meeting was practically broken up by the adherents of
the _possessores_ who, to prevent the passing of an illegal decree,
carried off the voting urns.

[363] [Greek: _Mallios kai phoulbios_] (Plut. _Ti. Gracch_. 11). Schaefer
(_Jahrb. f. Class. Philol_. 1873 p. 71) thinks that the first name is a
mistake for that of Manilius the jurist, consul in 149 B.C., and that
the second refers to Ser. Fulvius Flaccus, consul in 135 B.C.

[364] App. _Bell. Civ_. 1. 12 _oi dunatoi tous daemarchous aexioun
hepitrepsai tae boulae peri hon diapherontai_.

[365] App. _l. c_.

[366] App. _l. c_.

[367] Or in _contio_ held before the meeting. The scene is described in
Plut. _Ti. Gracch_, 11.

[368] Plut. l.c. [Greek: _hypeipon ho Tiberios hos ouk estin archontas
amphoterous kai peri pragmaton megalon ap' isaes exousias diapheromenous
aneu polemou diexelthein ton chronon_.]

[369] Plut. _Ti. Gracch_. 12.

[370] Cf. Mommsen _Staatsr_. iii. p. 409, note 1.

[371] Plut. _Ti. Gracch_. 12.

[372] This is the name given by Appian (_Bell. Civ_. 1. 13); Plutarch
(_Ti. Gracch_. 13) calls him Mucius; Orosius (v. 8. 3) Minucius.

[373] App. _Iber_. 83. Cf. Liv. xxvii. 20, xxix. 19. See Mommsen
_Staatsr_. i. p. 629.

[374] Mommsen l.c.

[375] App. _Bell. Civ_. 1. 13; Plut. _Ti. Gracch. 13.

[376] Liv. _Ep_. lviii Promulgavit et aliam legem agrariam, qua sibi
latius agrum patefaceret, ut iidem triumviri judicarent qua publicus
ager, qua privatus esset. The titles borne by the commissioners appear
as III vir a. d. a. (_Lex Latina Tabulae Bantinae_, C.I.L. 1. 197;
Bruns _Fontes_ i. 3. 9; cf. _Lex Acilia Repetundarum_ 1. 13, C.I.L.
i. 198; Bruns _Fontes_ i. 3. 10): III vir a. i. a. (C.I.L. i. nn.
552-555); III vir a.d.a. i. (C.I.L. i. n. 583).

[377] Plut. _Ti. Gracch_. 13.

[378] App. _Bell. Civ_. 1. 13.

[379] Plut. l.c.

[380] Plut. _Ti. Gracch_. 14.

[381] Nitzsch _Die Gracchen_ p. 315.

[382] Liv. _Ep_. lviii Deinde, cum minus agri esset quam quod dividi
posset sine offensa etiam plebis, quoniam eos ad cupiditatem amplum
modum sperandi incitaverat, legem se promulgaturum ostendit, ut iis, qui
Sempronia lege agrum accipere deberent, pecunia quae regia Attali
fuisset divideretur. [Victor] _de Vir. Ill_. 64 Tulit ut ea familia quae
ex Attali hereditate erat ageretur et populo divideretur, Cf. Plut.
_Ti. Gracch_. 14; Oros. v. 8. 4.

[383] Plut. Ti. Gracch. 14.

[384] Ibid.; Oros. v. 8. 4.

[385] Plut. l.c.. Cicero (_Brut_. 21. 81) speaks of a speech of
Metellus "contra Ti. Gracchum". Plutarch's citation may be from
this speech.

[386] Cicero regarded Octavius's deposition as the ruin of Gracchus.
_Brut_. 25. 95 Injuria accepta fregit Ti. Gracchum patientia civis in
rebus optimis constantissimus M. Octavius. _De Leg_. iii. 10. 24 Ipsum
Ti. Gracchum non solum neglectus sed etiam sublatus intercessor evertit;
quid enim illum aliud perculit, nisi quod potestatem intercedenti
collegae abrogavit? The deposition was an act of "seditio" (_pro
Mil_. 27. 72).

[387] Plut. _Quaest. Rom_. Section 81.

[388] Plut. _Ti. Gracch_. 14.

[389] Plut. _Ti. Gracch_. 15.

[390] App. _Bell. Civ_. i. 14.

[391] Plut. Ti. Gracch. 16 [Greek: _authis allois nomois anelambane to
plaethos, tou te chronou ton strateion aphairon, kai didous
epikaleisthai ton daepon apo ton dikaston kai tois krinousi tote
synklaetikois ousi [triakosiois] katamignus ek ton hippeon ton ison
arithmon_.] Dio Cass. _Frg_. 88 [Greek: _ta dikastaeria apo taes boulaes
epi tous hippeas metaege_] (Cf. Plin. _H.N_. xxxiii. 34).

[392] Polyb. vi. 19.

[393] There was already such a maximum according to Polybius (vi. 19).
What it precisely was, is uncertain, as the passage is corrupt.
According to Lipsius's reading, it was twenty years, according to
Casaubon's, sixteen under ordinary conditions, twenty in emergencies.
The knights were required to serve ten campaigns. See Marquardt
_Staatsverw_. ii. p. 381. The nature of the reduction proposed by
Gracchus is unknown.