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A History of Rome, Vol 1 by A H.J. Greenidge

A >> A H.J. Greenidge >> A History of Rome, Vol 1




[394] _Lex Acilia_ ll. 23 and 74.

[395] Cic. _de Fin_. ii. 16. 54.

[396] No mention is made of the appeal in five cases in which criminal
commissions had been established by the senate. The dates of these
commissions are B.C. 331 (Liv. viii. 18; Val. Max. ii. 5. 3), 314 (Liv.
ix. 26), 186 (Liv. xxxix. 8-19), 184 (Liv. xxxix. 41) and 180 (Liv.
xl. 37).

[397] Vellei. ii. 2 (Tiberius Gracchus) pollicitus toti Italiae
civitatem.

[398] Cicero is perhaps stating the result, rather than the intention,
of the Gracchan legislation when he says (_de Rep_. iii. 29. 41) Ti.
Gracchus perseveravit in civibus, sociorum nominisque Latini jura
neglexit ac foedera. No point in the Gracchan agrarian law is more
remarkable than its strict, perhaps inequitable, legality. That its
author consciously violated treaty relations is improbable.

[399] App. _Bell. Civ_. i. 14.

[400] For the qualifications at this period see Mommsen _Staatsr_. i. p.
505.

[401] Dio Cass. _frg_. 88 [Greek: _epecheiraese kai es to epion etos meta
tou adelphou daemarchaesai kai ton pentheron hypaton apodeixai_].

[402] App. l.c.

[403] Mommsen _Staatsr_. i. p. 523. Dio Cassius indeed says (_fr_. 22)
[Greek: _koluphen to tina dis taen archaen lambanein_]; but tradition held
that the proviso had been violated in the early plebeian agitations.

[404] App. _Bell. Civ_. 1. 14.

[405] App. l.c.; Plut. _Ti. Gracch_. 13. The scene is thus described
by Asellio (a contemporary):--Orare coepit, id quidem ut se defenderent
liberosque suos, eumque, quem virile secus tum in eo tempore habebat,
produci jussit populoque commendavit prope flens (Gell. ii. 13. 5).
Appian also speaks of a son, Plutarch of children.

[406] Plut. _Ti. Gracch_., 16.

[407] App. _Bell. Civ_. 1. 15.

[408] [Greek: _prostataes de tou Rhomaion daemou_] (Plut. _Ti. Gracch_.
17).

[409] App. _Bell. Civ_. i. 16.

[410] Richter _Topographie_ p. 128.

[411] Plut. _Ti. Gracch_. 18.

[412] Plut. _Ti. Gracch_. 19.

[413] App. _Bell. Civ_. i. 15.

[414] Ibid. 16.

[415] The dictator was usually nominated by the consul between midnight
and morning (Liv. viii. 23), for the purpose of the avoidance of
unfavourable omens.

[416] Tradition ultimately carried it back to the fourth century B.C. In
the revolution threatened by Manlius Capitolinus (384 B.C., Liv. vi. 19)
the phrase Ut videant magistrates ne quid ... res publica detrimenti
capiat was believed to have been employed.

[417] Plut. _Ti. Gracch_. 19 [Greek: _epei ... prodidosin ho archon
taen polin, oi boulomenoi tois nomois boaethein akoloutheite_.] The
most specific and juristically exact account of these proceedings (one
probably drawn from Livy) is preserved by Valerius Maximus (iii. 2. l7):
--In aedem Fidei publicae convocati patres conscripti a consule Mucio
Scaevola quidnam in tali tempestate faciendum esset deliberabant,
cunctisque censentibus ut consul armis rem publicam tueretur, Scaevola
negavit se quicquam vi esse acturum. Tum Scipio Nasica Quoniam, inquit,
consul dum juris ordinem sequitur id agit ut cum omnibus legibus Romanum
imperium corruat, egomet me privatus voluntati vestrae ducem offero....
Qui rem publicam salvam esse volunt me sequantur.

[418] App. _Bell. Civ_. i. 16; Plut. l.c. Appian speculates as to the
meaning of the act. It may have been meant to attract the attention of
his supporters, it may have been a signal of war, it may have been
intended to veil the impending deed of horror from the eyes of the gods.
Cf. Vellei. ii. 3.

[419] Plut. _Ti. Gracch_. 19.

[420] [Cic.] _ad Herenn_, iv. 55. 68.

[421] In the highly rhetorical exercise contained in [Cic.] _ad Herenn_.
iv. 55. 68 is to be found the following picture:--Iste spumans ex ore
scelus, anhelans ex infirmo pectore crudelitatem, contorquet brachium et
dubitanti Graccho quid esset, neque tamen locum, in quo constiterat,
relinquenti, percutit tempus.

[422] App. _Bell. Civ_. i. 16.

[423] Plut. _Ti. Gracch_. 19.

[424] App. _Bell. Civ_. i. 16 [Greek: _kai pantas autous nyktos
exerripsan es to rheuma ton potamou_]. [Victor] _de Vir. Ill_. 64
(Gracchi) corpus Lucretii aedilis manu in Tiberim missum; unde ille
Vespillo dictus.

[425] Plut. _C. Gracch_. 1.

[426] Vellei. ii. 3. 3 Hoc initium in urbe Roma civilis sanguinis
gladiorumque impunitatis fuit. Inde jus vi obrutum potentiorque habitus
prior, discordiaeque civium antea condicionibus sanari solitae ferro
dijudicatae (cf. Plut. _Ti. Gracch_. 20; App. _Bell. Civ_. i. 17).
Cic. _de Rep_. i. 19. 31 Mors Tiberii Gracchi et jam ante tota illius
ratio tribunatus divisit populum unum in duas partes.

[427] Plut. _Ti. Gracch_. 20 [Greek: _tautaen protaen historousin en
Rhomae stasin, aph' ou to basileuesthai katelysan, aimati kai phono
politon diakrithaenai_.]

[428] Sall. _Jug_. 31. 7 Occiso Ti. Graccho, quem regnum parare aiebant,
in plebem Romanam quaestiones habitae sunt. Val. Max. iv. 7, 1 Cum
senatus Rupilio et Laenati consulibus mandasset ut in eos, qui cum
Graccho consenserant, more majorum animadverterent ... Cf. Vellei.
ii. 7. 4.

[429] Cic. _de Amic_. 11. 37.

[430] Plut. _Ti. Gracch_. 20.

[431] Cic. _de Amic_. ii. 37; Val. Max. iv. 7. 1.

[432] Plut. _Ti. Gracch_. 20.

[433] Ibid. 21.

[434] Val Max. v. 3. 2 e Is quoque (Scipio Nasica) propter iniquissimam
virtutum suarum apud cives aestimationem sub titulo legationis Pergamum
secessit et quod vitae superfuit ibi sine ullo ingratae patriae
desiderio peregit. Cf. Plut. l.c.; Strabo xiv. 1. 38. See Waddington
_Fastes_ p. 662.

[435] Vellei. ii. 3. 1 P. Scipio Nasica ... ob eas virtutes primus
omnium absens pontifex maximus factus est. The other view, that Nasica
was already pontifex maximus before his exile, was widely prevalent and
is stated by nearly all our authorities (Cic. _in Cat_. i. 1. 3; Val.
Max. 1. 4. 1; Plut. _Ti. Gracch_. 21; App. _Bell. Civ_. i. 16).

[436] Plut. l.c.

[437] Val. Max. vii. 2, 6 Par illa sapientia senatus. Ti. Gracchum
tribunum pl. agrariam legem promulgare ausum morte multavit. Idem ut
secundum legem ejus per triumviros ager populo viritim divideretur
egregie censuit.

[438] Plut. _Ti. Gracch_. 21, C.I.L. i. n. 552 C. Sempronius _Ti. F.
Grac_., Ap. Claudius C. F. Pulc., P. Licinius P. F. Crass. III vir. A.
I. A. (Cf. nn. 553. 1504), n. 583 (82-81 B.C.) M. Terentius M. F.
Varro Lucullus Pro Pr. terminos restituendos ex s. c. coeravit qua P.
Licinius Ap. Claudius C. Graccus III vir A. D. A. I. statuerunt. These
_termini_ suggest the _limites Graccani_ of the _Liber Coloniarum
(Gromatici_ ed. Lachmann, pp. 209. 210) which may refer to the agrarian
assignments under the _leges Semproniae_ (of Ti. and C. Gracchus) rather
than to the colonial foundations of the younger brother.

[439] Liv. _Ep_. lix. Seditiones a triumviris Fulvio Flacco et
C. Graccho et C. Papirio Carbone agro dividendo creatis excitatae.
App. _Bell. Civ_. i. 18. C.I.L. i. n. 554 M. Folvios M.F. Flac.,
C. Sempronius Ti. F. Grac., C. Paperius C.F. Carb. III vire. A.I.A.
(cf. n. 555).

[440] C.I.L. i. 551 (Wilmanns 797) Primus fecei ut de agro poplico
aratoribus cederent pastores.

[441] Liv. _Ep_. lix. (131 B.C.) Censa sunt civium capita CCCXVIII milia
DCCCXXIII praeter pupillos et viduas. Ib. lx. (125 B.C.) Censa sunt
civium capita CCCLXXXXIIII milia DCCXXVI. See de Boor _Fasti Censorii_.

[442] Mommsen _Hist. of Rome_ bk. iv. c. 3.

[443] App. _Bell. Civ_. i. 18 [Greek: _amelounton de ton kektaemenon
autaen (sc. taen gaen) apographesthai, kataegorous ekaerytton
endeiknynai; kai tachy plaethos haen dikon chalepon_].

[444] App. l.c.

[445] Unless we take such to be the meaning of Hyginus (_de Condic.
Agr_. p. 116) Vectigales autem agri sunt obligati, quidam r. p. P. R.,
quidam coloniarum aut municipiorum aut civitatium aliquarum. Qui et ipsi
plerique ad populum Romanum pertinentes.... The passage seems to state
that some _agri_ which owed _vectigal_ to communities belonged to the
Roman people. There might therefore be a fear of their resumption,
although it should have been remote, since these lands, as the context
shows, were dealt with by a system of lease (for its nature see Mitteis
_Zur Gesch. der Erbpacht im Alterthum_ pp. 13 foll.), and leaseholds do
not seem to have been threatened by Gracchus.

[446] App. _Bell. Civ_. i 19.

[447] Plut. _Ti. Gracch_. 21. Hom. _Od_. i. 47.

[448] Cic. _Phil_. xi. 8. 18; Liv. _Ep_. lix.; Eutrop. iv. 19.

[449] Liv. _Ep_. lix. Cum Carbo tribunus plebis rogationem tulisset, ut
eundem tribunum plebi, quoties vellet, creare liceret, rogationem ejus
P. Africanus gravissima oratione dissuasit. Cic. _de Amic_. 25. 95
Dissuasimus nos (Laelius), sed nihil de me: de Scipione dicam libentius.
Quanta illi, dii immortales! fuit gravitas! quanta in oratione majestas!
... Itaque lex popularis suffragiis populi repudiata est. Cf. Cic. _de
Or_. ii. 40. 170.

[450] Vellei. ii. 4. 4 Hic, eum interrogante tribuno Carbone quid de Ti.
Gracchi caede sentiret, respondit, si is occupandae rei publicae animum
habuisset, jure caesum. Et cum omnis contio adclamasset, "Hostium,"
inquit, "armatorum totiens clamore non territus, qui possum vestro
moveri, quorum noverca est Italia?" Val. Max. vi. 2. 3 Orto deinde
murmure "Non efficietis," ait, "ut solutos verear quos alligatos
adduxi." Cf. Cic, _pro Mil_. 3. 8; Liv. _Ep_. lix; Plut. _Ti.
Gracch_. 21.

[451] App. _Bell. Civ_. i. 19 [Greek: _ho d' es tous polemous autois
kechraemenos prothymotatois hyperidein ... oknaese_.]

[452] Liv. _Ep_. lvii.

[453] App. _Bell. Civ_. i 19.

[454] Liv. _Ep_. lviii (p. 127).

[455] App. l.c.

[456] App. l.c.

[457] App. l.c.

[458] Plut. _C. Gracch_. 10.

[459] Oros. v. 10. 9; Cic. _de Amic_. 3. 12.

[460] App. _Bell. Civ_. i. 20.

[461] Plut. _Rom_. 27 [Greek: _oi men automatos onta physei nosodae
kamein legousin_.]

[462] Villei. ii. 4 Mane in lectulo repertus est mortuus, ita ut quaedam
elisarum faucium in cervice reperirentur notae.

[463] Plut. _C. Gracch_. 10 [Greek: _kai deinon outos ergon ep' andri
to proto kai megisto Rhomaion tolmaethen ouk etyche dikaes oud' eis
elenchon proaelthen; enestaesan gar oi polloi kai katelysan taen krisin
hyper tou Gaiou phobaethentes, mae peripetaes tae aitia tou phonou
zaetoumenou genaetai_.] Vellei. ii. 4 De tanti viri morte nulla habita
est quaestio. Cf. Liv. _Ep_. lix.

[464] Schol. Bob. _ad Cic. Milon_. 7. p. 383.

[465] App. _Bell. Civ_. i. 20.

[466] Schol. Bob. l.c.; cf. Plut. _C. Gracch_. 10.

[467] Plut. l.c.

[468] Cic. _ad Fam_. ix. 21. 3, _ad Q. fr_. ii 3. 3, _de Or_. ii. 40.
170. Cf. _de Amic_. 12. 41.

[469] App. _Bell. Civ_. i. 20.

[470] App. l.c.

[471] App. _Bell. Civ_. i. 20 [Greek: _hos enioi dokousin, ekon apethane
synidon hoti ouk esoito dynatos kataschein hon hyposchoito_.] For the
theory of suicide cf. Plut. _Rom_. 27 [Greek: _oi d' auton hyph' eautou
pharmakois apothanein (legousin)_.]

[472] Schol. Bob. _in Milon_, l.c.

[473] Val. Max. iv. 1. 12.

[474] Cic. _de Leg_. iii. 16. 35 Carbonis est tertia (lex tabellaria) de
jubendis legibus ac vetandis.

[475] Liv. _Ep_. lvi.

[476] App. Bell. _Civ_. i. 21 [Greek: _kai gar tis haedae nomos
ekekyroto, ei daemarchos endeoi tais parangeliais, ton daemon ek
panton epilegesthai_.] It is possible that Appian has misconstrued
the provision that, if enough candidates did not receive the absolute
majority required for election (_explere tribus_), any one--even a
tribune already in office--should be eligible. See Strachan-Davidson
in loc.

[477] Or possibly by securing that some of its candidates should not
receive the number of votes requisite for election. See the last note.

[478] App. _Bell. Civ_. i 21 [Greek: _kai tines esaegounto tous
symmachous hapantas, oi dae teri taes gaes malista antelegon, es taen
Rhomaion politeian anagrapsai, os meizoni chariti peri taes gaes ou
dioisomenous; kai edechonto hasmenoi touth' oi Italiotai, protithentes
ton chorion taen politeian_.]

[479] Cic. _de Off_. iii. 11. 47 Male etiam qui peregrinos urbibus uti
prohibent eosque exterminant, ut Pennus apud patres nostros.... Nam esse
pro cive qui civis non sit rectum est non licere; quam legem tulerunt
sapientissimi consules Crassus et Scaevola (95 B.C.); usu vero urbis
prohibere peregrinos sane inhumanum est. For the date of Pennus's law
see Cic. _Brut_. 28. 109:--Fuit ... M. Lepido et L. Oreste consulibus
quaestor Gracchus, tribunus Pennus.

[480] Festus p. 286 Resp. multarum civitatum pluraliter dixit C.
Gracchus in ea, quam conscripsit de lege p. Enni (Penni _Mueller_) et
peregrinis, cum ait: "eae nationes, cum aliis rebus, per avaritiam atque
stultitiam res publicas suas amiserunt".

[481] App. _Bell. Civ_. i. 34 [Greek: _Phoulouios phlakkos hypateion
malista dae protos ode es to phanerotaton haerethize tous Italiotas
epithymein taes Rhomaion politeias hos koinonous taes haegemonias anti
hypaekoon esomenous_]. (Cf. i. 21), Val. Max. ix. 5. 1 M. Fulvius
Flaccus consul, ... cum perniciosissimas rei publicae leges introduceret
de civitate Italiae danda et de provocatione ad populum eorum, qui
civitatem mutare noluissent, aegre compulsus est ut in Curiam veniret.

[482] Liv. xxxviii. 36. Four tribunes vetoed a _rogatio_ to grant voting
rights to the _municipia_ of Formiae, Fundi and Arpinum in 188 B.C. on
the ground that the senate's judgment had not been taken, but Edocti
populi esse, non senatus jus, suffragium quibus velit impertire,
destiterunt incepto.

[483] Val. Max. ix. 5, 1 Deinde partim monenti, partim oranti senatui ut
incepto desisteret, responsum non dedit ... Flaccus in totius amplissimi
ordinis contemnenda majestate versatus est. Cf. App. _Bell. Civ_.
i. 21.

[484] App. _Bell. Civ_. i. 34 [Greek: _esaegoumenos de taen gnomaen
kai epimenon autae karteros, upa taes boulaes epi tina strateian
exepemphthae dia tode_].

[485] Liv. _Ep_. lx; Ammian, xv. 12. 5.

[486] An isolated notice speaks of a rising at Asculum. [Victor] _de
Vir. Ill_. 65 (C. Gracchus) Asculanae et Fregellanae defectionis
invidiam sustinuit.

[487] Liv. viii. 22.

[488] Liv. xxvii. 10.

[489] Liv. _Ep_. lx L. Opimius praetor Fregellanos, qui defecerant, in
deditionem accepit; Fregellas diruit. Cf. Vellei. ii. 6; Obsequens 90;
Plut. _C. Gracch_. 3; [Cic.] _ad Herenn_. iv. 15. 22.

[490] Vellei. i. 15 Cassio autem Longino et Sextio Calvino ...
consulibus Fabrateria deducta est.

[491] Plut. _C. Gracch_. 3.

[492] It has been supposed that this boy may really have been the son of
Attalus brother of Eumenes, a fruit of the transitory connection between
this prince and Stratonice, which followed the false news of Eumenes's
death in 172 B.C. See F. Koepp _De Attali III patre_ in _Rhein. Mus_.
xlviii. pp. 154 ff.; Wilcken in Pauly-Wissowa _Real, Enc_. p. 2170, and
for the temporary marriage of Attalus with Stratonice Plut. _de Frat.
Amor_. 18; Polyb. xxx. 2. 6. Livy (xlii. 16) and perhaps Diodorus (xxix.
34) speak only of Attalus's wooing, not of his marriage. If Attalus the
Third was not the son of Eumenes, he was at least adopted by the king
and was clearly recognised as his heir. The official view made the
relationship between the Attali that of uncle and nephew.

[493] For the guardianship of the younger Attalus see Strabo xiii. 4. 2.
The recognition of the regent as king is clearly attested by
inscriptions (Fraenkel _Inschriften von Pergamon_ nn. 214 ff., 224, 225,
248. In n. 248.) the future Attalus the Third is called by the king
[Greek: _ho tadelphon nios_] (l. 18, cf. l. 32 [Greek: _ho theios
mon_] used by Attalus the Third) and has some power of appointment to
the priesthood. There is no sign that the nephew was in any other
respect a co-regent of the uncle. See Fraenkel op. cit. p. 169.

[494] Liv. xxxviii. cc. 12, 23, 25; Polyb. xxi. 39.

[495] Liv. xliv. 36; xlv. 19.

[496] Wilcken in Pauly-Wissowa _Real. Enc_. p. 2168 foll.

[497] Polyb. xxxii. 22; Diod. xxxi. 32 b.

[498] For the details of this struggle see Wilcken l.c. p. 2172;
Ussing _Pergamos_ p. 50.

[499] Ussing op. cit. p. 51.

[500] Strabo xiii. 4. 2.

[501] Strabo l.c.; Lucian. _Macrob_. 12. He was sixty-one years old at
his accession and eighty-two years old at the time of his death.

[502] Justin. xxxvi. 4; Diod. xxxiv. 3.

[503] Once, indeed, he seems to have taken the field with some success,
as is proved by a decree in honour of a victory (Fraenkel _Inschr. von
Pergamon_ n. 246). A vote of the town of Elaea honours the king [Greek:
_aretaes heneken kai andragathias taes kata polemon, krataesanta ton
hupenantion_] (l. 22). The victory is also mentioned in n. 249.

[504] Liv. _Ep_. lviii. Heredem autem populum Romanum reliquerat
Attalus, rex Pergami, Eumenis filius. Cf. ib. lix; Strabo xiii. 4. 2;
Vellei. ii. 4; Val. Max. v. 2, ext. 3; Plut. _Ti. Gracch_. 14; Eutrop.
iv. 18; Justin. xxxvi. 4. 5; Florus ii. 3 (iii. 15); Oros. v. 8; App.
_Mithr_. 62.

[505] Sall. _Hist_. iv. 69 Maur. (Epistula Mithridatis) Eumenen, cujus
amicitiam gloriose ostentant, initio prodidere (Romani) Antiocho, pacis
mercedem; post habitum custodiae agri captivi sumptibus et contumeliis
ex rege miserrimum servorum effecere, simulatoque impio testamento
filium ejus Aristonicum, quia patrium regnum petiverat, hostium more per
triumphum duxere.

[506] The reality of the will is attested by a Pergamene inscription
(Fraenkel _Inschr. von Pergamon_ n. 249). The inscription records a
resolution taken by the [Greek: _daemos_] on the proposal of the [Greek:
_strataegoi_]. The resolution is elicited after the will has become
known and in view of its ratification by Rome (l. 7 [_Greek: dei de
epicurothaenai taen diathaekaen hupo Rhomaion_]). Pergamon has by the
death of the king, and perhaps in accordance with the will (see p. 177),
been left "free" (l. 5 Attalus by passing away [Greek: _apoleloipen taen
patrida haemon eleutheran_)]. The first result of this freedom is that
the people extends the privileges of its citizenship. Full civic rights
are given to Paroeci (i.e. _incolae_) and (mercenary) soldiers; the
rights of Paroeci are given to other classes:--freedmen, royal and
public slaves. The motive assigned for the conferment is public
security, and the extension of rights seems to be justified (l. 6) by
the liberal spirit shown by the late king in the organisation of his
conquests (see p. 175 note 2). The ruling idea seems to be that, if
Pergamon was to be free, she must be strong. See Frankel in loc.,
Ussing _Pergamos_ p. 55.

[507] At the same time the self-governing character of the civic
corporation might be recognised: and Attalus, if he made the will, may
have been courteous enough to recognise the "freedom" of the city from
this point of view. See p. 177.

[508] Liv. _Ep_. lix. Cum testamento Attali regis legata populo Romano
libera esse deberet (Asia). Cf. pp. 175, 176, notes 5 and 1.

[509] Justin. xxxvi. 4. 6 Sed erat ex Eumene Aristonicus, non justo
matrimonio, sed ex paelice Ephesia, citharistae cujusdam filia, genitus,
qui post mortem Attali velut paternum regnum Asiam invasit. The
epitomator of Livy (lix.) speaks of him as "Eumenis filius". Strabo
(xiv. 1. 38) describes him as [Greek: _dokon tou genous einai tou ton
basileon_].

[510] Florus i. 35 (ii. 20).

[511] Strabo xiv. 1. 38.

[512] Diod. xxxiv. 2. 26 [Greek: _to paraplaesion de_] (to the slave
revolt in Sicily) [Greek: _gegone kai kata taen Asian kata tous autous
kairous, Aristonikou men antipoiaesamenou taes mae prosaekousaes
basileias, ton de doulon dia tas ek ton despoton kakouchias
synaponoaesamenon ekeino kai megalois atychaemasi pollas poleis
peribalonton_].

[513] Strabo l.c. [Greek: _eis de taen mesogaian anion haethroise
dia tacheon plaethos aporon te anthropon kai doulon ep' eleutheria
katakeklaemenon, ous Haeliopolitas ekalese_]. For the view that
Heliopolis was a merely ideal city deriving its name from the sun-god
of Syria, see Mommsen _Hist. of Rome_ bk. iv. c. 1; Buecher op. cit.
pp. 105 foll. For the hopes of divine deliverance which pervade the
slave revolts, see Mahaffy in _Hermathena_ xvi. 1890, and cf. p. 89.

[514] Strabo l.c.

[515] Florus i. 35 (ii. 20).

[516] Val. Max. iii. 2. 12.

[517] Strabo xiv. i. 38.

[518] Strabo l.c. [Greek: _euthus ai te poleis hepempsan plaethos, kai
Nikomaedaes ho Bithynos epekouraese kai oi ton Kappadokon basileis_].
Eutrop. iv. 20 P. Licinius Crassus infinita regum habuit auxilia. Nam et
Bithyniae rex Nicomedes Romanos juvit et Mithridates Ponticus, cum quo
bellum postea gravissimum fuit, et Ariarathes Cappadox et Pylaemenes
Paphlagon. The Pontic king was Mithradates Euergetes, not Eupator.

[519] Cic. _Phil_. xi. 8. 18 Populus Romanus consuli potius Crasso quam
privato Africano bellum gerendum dedit.

[520] In B.C. 189 (Liv. xxxvii. 51) and 180 (Liv. xi. 42).

[521] Cic. l.c. Rogatus est populus quem id bellum gerere placeret.
Crassus consul, pontifex maximus, Flacco collegae, flamini Martiali,
multam dixit si a sacris discessisset; quam multam populus remisit,
pontifici tamen flaminem parere jussit.

[522] Cf. Liv. _Ep_. lix. Adversus eum (Aristonicum) P. Licinius
Crassus consul, cum idem pontifex maximus esset, quod numquam antea
factum erat, extra Italiam profectus....

[523] Quinctil, _Inst. Or_. xi. 2. 50.

[524] Gell. i. 13.

[525] Intentior Attalicae praedae quam bello (Justin. xxxvi. 4. 8).

[526] Cf. Eutrop. iv. 20 Perperna, consul Romanus (130 B.C.) qui
successor Crasso veniebat.

[527] Val. Max. iii. 2. 12; Strabo xiv. i. 38.

[528] Val. Max. _l.c. Cf_. Oros. v. 10; Florus i. 34 (ii. 20). Eutropius
(iv. 20) states that Crassus's head was taken to Aristonicus, his body
buried at Smyrna.

[529] Justin. xxxvi. 4 Prima congressione Aristonicum superatum in
potestatem suam redegit.

[530] Eutrop. iv. 20. Cf. Liv. _Ep_. lix.

[531] Justin. l.c.

[532] Justin. xxxvi. 4 M. Aquilius consul ad eripiendum Aristonicum
Perpernae, veluti sui potius triumphi munus esse deberet, festinata
velocitate contendit.

[533] Eutrop. iv. 20; Justin. xxxvi. 4.

[534] Vellei. ii. 4.

[535] Eutrop. l.c. Aristonicus jussu senatus Romae in carcere
strangulatus est. According to Strabo (xiv. i. 38) he had been sent to
Rome by Perperna.

[536] Florus i. 35 (ii. 20) Aquillius Asiatici belli reliquias confecit,
mixtis-nefas-veneno fontibus ad deditionem quarundam urbium. Quae res ut
maturam ita infamem fecit victoriam, quippe cum contra fas deum moresque
majorum medicaminibus impuris in id tempus sacrosancta Romana arma
violasset.

[537] Strabo xiv. 1. 38 [Greek: _Manion d' Akyllios, epelthon hypatos
meta deka presbeuton, dietaxe taen eparchian eis to nyn eti symmenon
taes politeias schaema_.]

[538] An inscription with the words [Greek: _Man(i)os Aky(l)ios Man(i)ou
hypato(s) Rhomaion_] has been found near Tralles. It probably belongs to
a milestone (C.I.L. i. n. 557 = C.I.Gr. n. 2920).

[539] Where the rights of _city-states_ were in question the lines of
demarcation between "province" and "protectorate" were necessarily
vague. Even a protectorate over small political units would demand
organisation and justify the appointment of a commission.

[540] The evidence is furnished by a Cistophorus of 77 B.C. struck at
Ephesus. See Waddington _Fastes_ p. 674.

[541] His triumph is dated to 126 B.C. (628 A. U. C., 627 according to
the reckoning of the _Fasti_). See _Fasti triumph_, in C.I.L. i.

[542] Waddington _Fastes_ pp. 662 foll. Caria belongs to the province of
Asia in 76 B.C. (Le Bas-Waddington, no. 409).

[543] It is dependent on this province in the time of Cicero (_in Pis_.
35. 86).

[544] Strabo xiv. 3. 4.

[545] Justin. xxxvii. i. Cf. Bergmann in _Philologus_ 1847 p. 642.

[546] Forbiger _Handb. der All. Geogr_. ii. p. 338.

[547] Reinach _Mithridate Eupator_ p. 43.

[548] Justin. xxxviii. 5.

[549] C. Gracchus ap. Gell. xi. 10. Cf. Plin. _H.N_. xxxiii. ii.
148 Asia primum devicta luxuriam misit in Italiam.... At eadem Asia
donata multo etiam gravius adflixit mores, inutiliorque victoria illa
hereditas Attalo rege mortuo fuit. Tum enim haec emendi Romae in
auctionibus regiis verecundia exempta est.

[550] Ramsay, _Cities and Bishoprics of Phrygia_ i. 2, pp. 423, 762;
Reinach. _Mithridate Eupator_ p. 457.

[551] For the evidence as to the islands, see Waddington _Fastes l. c_.

[552] Regni attalici opes (Justin. xxxviii. 7. 7); Attalicae conditiones
(Hor, _Od_. i. 1. 12); Attalicae vestes (Prop. iii. 18. 19) etc. (from
Ihne _Rom. Gesch_. v., p. 76).

[553] Liv. _Ep_. lix; App. _Illyr_. 10, _Bell. Civ_. i. 19; Plin. _H.N_.
iii. 19. 129; _Fasti triumph_. C. Sempronius C.F.C.N. Tuditan. a. dcxxiv
cos. de Iapudibus k. Oct.

[554] Liv. _Ep_. lx; Florus i. 37 (iii. 2); Obsequens 90 (28); Ammian.
xv. 12. 5.

[555] Liv. _Ep_. lx; Plut. _C. Gracch_. 1. 2.

[556] _Fasti Triumph_. L. Aurelius L.F.L.N. Orestes pro an. dcxxi cos.
ex Sardinia vi Idus Dec. (123 B.C.)

[557] Plut. _C. Gracch_. 2.

[558] Diod. v. 17, 2.

[559] Besides Mago (Mahon), Bocchori and Guiuntum on Majorca, Iamo on
Minorca are supposed to be Punic names. See Huebner in Pauly-Wissowa
_Real. Enc_. p. 2823. On the islands generally (Baliares, later Baleares
of the Romans, [Greek: _Gymnaesiai, Baliareis_] of the Greeks) see the
same author's _Roemische Heerschaft in Westeuropa_ 208 ff.

Alex Ross: Winner of the Guardian first book award
Stuart Evers: They made a real difference to Britain's literary culture, and it would be a terrible shame if they got forgotten in the age of Amazon

Congratulations to Alex Ross, winner of the Guardian first book award
One of only seven copies of The Tales of Beedle the Bard handwritten by JK Rowling is unveiled at the New York Public Library as the mass market edition goes on sale around the world

The arcane first book that's also a bestseller

Congratulations to Alex Ross, the deserving winner of the 2008 Guardian first book award. There's been a massed chorus of appreciation for this work already, so I shan't add much, except to say that what I particular enjoy about it is the connections it makes between musics and musicians. I'm the sort of person who goes to a lot of concerts, plays the violin, has some kind of grasp of how the history of music works – but frankly, it's all a bit fragmented and vague, since I have never studied the history of music properly and I can't really do the textbook musicological stuff. As I was reading Ross's book, it dawned on me that most of my knowledge of 20th-century music was based on reading the occasional Grove essay – and mostly, reading programme notes. What Ross's book does brilliantly is knit all these odd and isolated bits of knowledge together, so that everything starts to synthesise rather wonderfully, and you get to know what Sibelius thought of Stravinsky, say (not much – "stillborn affectations" was the phrase employed); or that Alban Berg was lionised by George Gershwin; or that David Bowie referenced Philip Glass and vice versa. That, and then the material is set against its historical and political background, such that this is a book for history-lovers as much as music-lovers.

By the way, there's a pungent criticism of the new-music scene by Hans Eisler in 1928, as quoted by Ross. How much have things changed, I wonder?

"The big music festivals have become downright stock exchanges, where the value of the works is assessed and contracts for the coming season are settled. Yet all this noise is carried out in the vacuum of a bell glass, so to speak, so that not a sound can be heard outside. An empty officiousness celebrates orgies of inbreeding, while there is a complete lack of interest or participation of a public of any kind."

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