A History of Rome, Vol 1 by A H.J. Greenidge
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A H.J. Greenidge >> A History of Rome, Vol 1
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[709] [Greek: _hos dae theristas_] (Plut. _C. Gracch_. 13).
[710] Plutarch (l.c.) says that the consul had "sacrificed" [Greek:
(_thysantos_)] and, if this is correct, Opimius must have summoned
the meeting.
[711] App. _Bell. Civ_. i. 25.
[712] Plut. _C. Gracch_. 13; App. _Bell. Civ_. i. 25; [Victor] _de Vir.
III_. 65. The last author calls the slain man Attilius and describes him
as "praeco Opimii consulis". Cf. Ihne _Roem. Gesch_. v. p. 103.
[713] [Victor] l.c. Imprudens contionem a tribuno plebis avocavit.
Cf. App. _Bell. Civ_. i. 25.
[714] Plut. _C. Gracch_. 14.
[715] App. _Bell. Civ_. i. 25.
[716] App. l.c.
[717] Plut. _C. Gracch_. 14.
[718] Cic. _Phil_. viii. 4. 14 Quod L. Opimius consul verba fecit de re
publica, de ea re ita censuerunt, uti L. Opimius consul rem publicam
defenderet. Senatus haec verbis, Opimius armis. Cf. _in Cat_. i. 2. 4;
iv. 5. 10. Plut. _C. Gracch_. 14 [Greek: _eis to bouleutaerion
apelthontes epsaephisanto kai prosetaxan Opimio to hypato sozein taen
polin hopos dynaito kai katalyein tous tyrannous_.]
[719] Plut. l.c.
[720] App. _Bell. Civ_. i. 26.
[721] Plut. _C. Gracch_. 14.
[722] Ibid. 15.
[723] App. _Bell. Civ. i_. 26.
[724] Cf. Bardey _Das sechste Consulat des Marius_ p. 61.
[725] Plut. l.c.
[726] Plut. _C. Gracch_. 16; App. l.c.
[727] Plut. l.c.
[728] Plut. l.c.
[729] Cic. _in Cat_. iv. 6. 13.
[730] App. _Bell. Civ_. i. 26. Plut. (_C. Gracch_. 16) states that
Flaccus fled to a bathroom ([Greek: _eis ti balaneion_]).
[731] Dionys. viii. 80.
[732] Plut. l.c.
[733] Val. Max. iv. 7. 2; [Victor] _de Vir. Ill_. 65; Oros, v. 12.
Plutarch (l.c.) gives he second name as Licinius.
[734] Plut. l.c.
[735] [Victor] l.c.
[736] Translated "Grove of the Furies" by Plutarch; cf. Cic. _de Nat.
Deor_. iii. 18. 46. The true name of the grove was Lucus Furrinae, named
after some goddess, whose significance was forgotten (Varro _L. L_. vi.
19 Nunc vix nomen notum paucis). See Richter _Topographie_ p. 271.
[737] Plut. _C. Gracch_. 17. Cf. Val. Max. vi. 8. 3.
[738] Plin. _H.N_. xxxiii. 3. 48. Cf. Plut. l.c.; [Victor] l.c.;
Florus ii. 3 (iii. 15).
[739] Oros. v. 12.
[740] Oros. l.c. Opimius consul sicut in bello fortis fuit ita in
quaestione crudelis. Nam amplius tria milia hominum suppliciis necavit,
ex quibus plurimi ne dicta quidem causa innocentes interfecti sunt.
Plutarch (l.c.) gives three thousand as the number actually slain in
the tumult. Orosius (l.c.) gives the number slain on the Aventine as
two hundred and fifty. For the severity with which Opimius conducted the
_quaestio_ see Sall. _Jug_. 16. 2, 31. 7; Vellei. ii. 7.
[741] Plut. l.c.
[742] Dig. xxiv. 3. 66. The passage speaks of Licinia's dowry; yet
Plutarch (l.c.) says that this was confiscated.
[743] In Plutarch's Greek version (C. Gracch, 17) [Greek: _ergon
aponoias_] (vecordiae) [Greek: _naon homonoias_] (concordiae)
[Greek: _poiei_].
[744] Cf. Neumann _Geschichte Roms_. p. 259.
[745] Plut, _C. Gracch_, 18.
[746] Plut. _C, Gracch_, 19.
[747] Plin. _H.N_. xxxiv. 6. 31.
[748] Hence the establishment of the _praefecti jure dicundo_, sent to
the burgess colonies and _municipia_.
[749] Arist. _Pol_. iv. 6, p. 1292 b.
[750] The choice of the month of July as the date for elections seems to
be post-Sullan. See Mommsen _Staatsr_. i. p. 583. During the Jugurthine
War consular elections took place, as we shall see, in the late autumn
or even in the winter.
[751] Suet. _Caes_. 42.
[752] If some of the Gracchan assignments were thirty _jugera_ each (p.
115). The larger assignments of earlier times had been from seven to ten
_jugera_. See Mommsen in C.I. L. i. pp. 75 foll.
[753] Liv. _Ep_. lxi L. Opimius accusatus apud populum a Q. Decio
tribuno plebis quod indemnatos cives in carcerem conjecisset, absolutus
est. "In carcerem conjicere" does not express the whole truth. A
magistrate could imprison in preparation for a trial. The words must
imply imprisonment preparatory to execution and probably refer to death
in the Tullianum.
[754] Cic. _de Orat_. ii. 30. 132; _Part. Orat_. 30, 104. In the latter
passage Opimius is supposed to say "Jure feci, salutis omnium et
conservandae rei publicae causa." Decius is supposed to answer "Ne
sceleratissimum quidem civem sine judicio jure ullo necare potuisti."
The cardinal question therefore is "Potueritne recte salutis rei
publicae causa civem eversorem civitatis indemnatum necare?" Cf. Cic.
_de Orat_. ii. 39. 165 Si ex vocabulo, ut Carbo: Sei consul est qui
consuluit patriae, quid aliud fecit Opimius?
[755] Cf. Cic. _pro Sest_. 67. 140 (Opimium) flagrantem invidia
propter interitum C. Gracchi semper ipse populus Romanus periculo
liberavit.
[756] Cic. _Brut_. 34. 128 L. Bestia ... P. Popillium vi C. Gracchi
expulsum sua rogatione restituit. Cf. _post Red. in Sen_. 15. 38; _post
Red. ad Quir_. 4.10.
[757] Cic. _in Cat_. iv. 6, 13; _Phil_. viii. 4. 14.
[758] Val. Max. v. 3. 2. The colouring of the story is doubted by Ihne
(_Rom. Gesch_. v. p. 111). He thinks that perhaps Lentulus went to
Sicily to restore his shattered health.
[759] Cic. _de Orat_. ii. 25. 106; 39. 165; 40. 170.
[760] Ibid. ii. 39. 165.
[761] Cic. _Brut_. 43. 159 Crassus ... accusavit C. Carbonem,
eloquentissimum hominem, admodum adulescens. Cf. _de Orat_. i. 10. 39.
[762] Valerius Maximus (vi. 5. 6) tells the story that a slave of
Carbo's brought Crassus a letter-case (_scrinium_) full of compromising
papers. Crassus sent back the case still sealed and the slave in
chains to Carbo.
[763] Mommsen, _Hist. of Rome_ bk. iv. c. 4.
[764] Cic. _in Verr_. iii. i. 3 Itaque hoc, judices, ex ... L. Crasso
saepe auditum est, cum se nullius rei tam paenitere diceret quam quod
C. Carbonem unquam in judicium vocavisset.
[765] Cic. _ad Fam_. ix. 21. 3 (C. Carbo) accusante L. Crasso
cantharidas sumpsisse dicitur. Valerius Maximus (iii. 7. 6) implies that
Carbo was sent into exile. But the two stories are not necessarily
inconsistent.
[766] Appian (_Bell. Civ_. i. 35) says that the younger Livius Drusus
(91 B.C.) [Greek: _ton daemon ... hypaegeto apoikiais pollais es te taen
Italian kai Sikelian epsaephismenais men ek pollou, gegonuiais de oupo_].
These colonies could only have been those proposed by his father.
[767] Mommsen in C.I.L. 1 pp. 75 ff. Cf. p. 227. We have no record
of the tenure by which Romans held their lands in such settlements as
Palma and Pollentia (p. 189). They too may have been illustrations of
what was known later as the _jus Italicum_.
[768] We know that the corn law of C. Gracchus was repealed or modified
by a _lex Octavia_. Cic. _Brut_. 62. 222 (M. Octavius) tantum
auctoritate dicendoque valuit, ut legem Semproniam frumentariam populi
frequentis suffragiis abrogaverit. Cf. _de Off_. ii. 21. 72. But the
date of this alteration is unknown and it may not have been immediate.
If it was a consequence of Gracchus's fall, as is thought by Peter
(_Gesch. Roms_. ii. p. 41), the distributions may have been restored
_circa_ 119 B.C. (see p. 287). We shall see that in the tribunate of
Marius during this year some proposal about corn was before the people
(Plut. _Mar_. 4).
[769] App. _Bell. Civ_. i. 27 [Greek: _nomos te ou poly hysteron
ekyrhothae, taen gaen, hyper haes dietheronto, exeinai pipraskein tois
echousin_.]
[770] App. l.c. [Greek: _kai euthus oi plousioi para ton penaeton
eonounto, hae taisde tais prophasesin ebiazonto_.]
[771] The law permitting alienation may have been in 121 B.C. The year
119 or 118 B.C. ([Greek: _pentekaideka maliosta etesin apo taes Grakchou
nomothesias_]) is given by Appian (l.c.) for one of the two subsequent
laws which he speaks of. It is probably the date of the first of these,
the one which we are now considering.
[772] App. l.c. [Greek: _Sporios Thorios daemarchon esaegaesato nomon,
taen men gaen maeketi sianemein, all' einai ton echonton, kai phorous
hyper autaes to daemo katatithesthai, kai tade ta chrhaemata chorein es
dianomas_.]
[773] If Gracchus's corn law was abolished or modified immediately after
his fall, the corn largesses may now have been restored or extended.
Cf. p. 306.
[774] Some such guarantee may be inferred from a passage in the _lex
Agraria_ (l. 29) Item Latino peregrinoque, quibus M. Livio L. Calpurnio
[cos. in eis agris id facere ... ex lege plebeive sc(ito) exve
foedere licuit.]
[775] Cic. _Brut_. 36. 136 Sp. Thorius satis valuit in populari genere
dicendi, is qui agrum publicum vitiosa et inutili lege vectigali
levavit. Cf. _de Orat_. ii. 70. 284. Appian, on the other hand; makes
Sp. Thorius the author of the law preceding this (p. 285). It is
possible that Cicero may be mistaken, but, if he is correct, the
fragments of the agrarian law which we possess may be those of the _lex
Thoria_, the name given to it by its earlier editors. For a different
view see Mommsen in C.I.L. i. pp. 75 ff.
[776] App. _Bell Civ_. i. 27 [Greek: _tous phorous ou poly hysteron
dielyse daemarchos heteros_.]
[777] The latest years to which it refers are those of the censors of
115 and the consuls of 113, 112 and 111. The harvest and future vintage
of 111 are referred to (1. 95), and it has, therefore, been assigned to
some period between January 1 and the summer of this year. See Rudorff
_Das Ackergesetz des Sp. Thorius_ and cf. Mommsen l.c. It is a
curious fact, however, that a law dealing with African land amongst
others should have been passed in the first year of active hostilities
with Jugurtha. From this point of view the date which marks the close of
the Jugurthine war, suggested by Kiene (_Bundesgenossenkrieg_ p. 125),
i.e., 106 or 105 B.C., is more probable. But the objection to this
view is that the law contains no reference to the censors of 109. See
Mommsen l.c.
[778] _Ager compascuus_. See Mommsen l.c. and Voigt _Ueber die
staatsrechtliche possessio und den ager compascuus der roem. Republik_.
[779] The _pastores_ also must often have been too indefinite a body to
make it possible to treat them as joint owners.
[780] The tribune L. Marcius Philippus, when introducing an agrarian law
in 104 B.C., made the startling statement "Non esse in civitate duo
milia hominum, qui rem haberent" (Cic. _de Off_. ii. 21, 73). If there
was even a minimum of truth in his words, the expression "qui rem
haberent" must mean "moneyed men," "people comfortably off."
[781] Mommsen in C.I.L. l.c.
[782] Kiene also thinks (_Bundesgenossenkrieg_ p. 146) that the right
given by the law of exchanging a bit of one's own land for an equivalent
bit of the public domain, which became private property, was reserved
solely for the citizen.
[783] Cic. _Brut_. 26. 102; _de Orat_. ii. 70. 281; _de Fin_. i. 3. 8.
[784] Vellei. ii. 8; Cic. _in Verr_. iii 80. 184; iv. 10. 22.
[785] [Victor] _de Vir. Ill_. 72 Consul legem de sumptibus et
libertinorum suffragiis tulit.
[786] Liv. xlv, 15.
[787] [Victor] l.c..
[788] Plin. _H.N_. viii. 57. 223.
[789] Cassiodor. _Chron_. L. Metellus et Cn. Domitius censores artem
ludicram ex urbe removerunt praeter Latinum tibicinem cum cantore et
ludum talarium. The _ludus talarius_ in its chief form was a game of
skill, not of chance. The reference here may be to juggling with the
_tali_ on the stage, not to the pursuit of the game in domestic life.
[790] Liv. _Ep_. lxiii.
[791] _Fast. triumph_.; [Victor] _de Vir. Ill_. 72.
[792] Val. Max. vii. 1. 1.
[793] [Victor] _de Vir. Ill_. 72.
[794] [Victor] l.c. Ipse primo dubitavit honores peteret an
argentariam faceret.
[795] [Victor] l.c. Aedilis juri reddendo magis quam muneri edendo
studuit.
[796] Sallust (_Jug_. 15) gives the following somewhat unkind sketch of
the great senatorial champion, "Aemilius Scaurus, homo nobilis, inpiger,
factiosus, avidus potentiae, honoris, divitiarum, ceterum vitia sua
callide occultans". "Inpiger, factiosus" are testimonies of his value to
his party. The last words of the sketch are a confession that his
reputation may have been blemished by suspicion, but never by proof.
[797] [Victor] l.c. Consul Ligures et Gantiscos domuit, atque de his
triumphavit. Cf. _Fast. triumph_.
[798] [Victor] l.c.
[799] Plut. _Mar_. 3.
[800] In Velleius ii. 11 the manuscript reading _natus equestri loco_
(corrected into _agresti_) may be correct.
[801] Plut. _Mar_. 3.
[802] Plut. _Mar_. 5.
[803] Ibid. 4.
[804] His military reputation amongst old soldiers had led to his easy
attainment of the military tribunate. Sall. _Jug_. 63 Ubi primum
tribunatum militarem a populo petit, plerisque faciem ejus ignorantibus,
facile notus per omnis tribus declaratur. Deinde ab eo magistratu alium
post alium sibi peperit.
[805] Plut. _Mar_. 4.
[806] Plut. l.c. [Greek: _nomon tina peri psaephophorias graphontos
autou dokounta ton dynaton aphaireisthai taen peri tas kriseis ischyn_].
It is possible, however, that _kriseis_ may simply mean "decisions".
[807] Cic. _de Leg_. iii. 17. 38 Pontes ... lex Maria fecit angustos.
[808] Plut. l.c. [Greek: _ei me diagrapseie to dogma_.]
[809] Plut. l.c. [Greek: _nomou ... eispheromenou peri sitou
dianomaes_]. See p. 284.
[810] Plut. _Mar_ 5. Cf. Cic. _pro Planc_. 21, 51; Val. Max.
vi. 9. 14.
[811] Val. Max. vi. 9. 14.
[812] Plut. _Mar_. 5.
[813] [Greek: _dikastai_] (Plut. l.c.). It seems, therefore, that a
special _quaestio de ambitu_ existed at this time. Otherwise, the case
would naturally have gone before the Comitia. We can hardly think of a
Special Commission.
[814] Plut. _Mar_. 6 [Greek: _en men oun tae strataegia metrios
epainoumenon heauton paresche_].
[815] Plut. l.c.
[816] Plut. l.c.
[817] Vellei. ii. 7 Porcio Marcioque consulibus deducta colonia Narbo
Martius. Cf. i. 15.
[818] This was but a [Greek: _phroura Rhomaion_] (Strabo iv. 1. 5). It
had been established in 122 B.C.
[819] Cic. _pro Font_. 5. 13 Narbo Martius, colonia nostrorum civium,
specula populi Romani ac propugnaculum istis ipsis nationibus oppositum
et objectum.
[820] This fact appears from Cic. _pro Cluent_. 51. 140 (Crassus) in
dissuasione rogationis ejus quae contra coloniam Narbonensem ferebatur,
quantum potest, de auctoritate senatus detrahit. A _rogatio_ against a
project implies something more than opposition to a bill.
[821] Cic. _Brut_. 43. 160 Exstat in eam legem senior ut ita dicam quam
illa aetas ferebat oratio.
[822] Cic. _Brut. l.c. Cf. pro Cluent_. 51. 140; _de Orat_. ii. 55. 223;
Quinctil. _Inst. Or_. vi. 3. 44.
[823] The date is unknown, but the _lex Servilia repetundarum_ was
probably a product of this tribunate. An approximate date can be
assigned to this law, if we believe that it immediately superseded the
_lex Acilia_ as the law of extortion, and that the _lex Acilia_ is the
_lex repetundarum_ which has come down to us on a bronze tablet (see p.
214); for the latter law must have been abrogated by 111 B.C., since the
back of the tablet on which it is inscribed is used for the _lex
agraria_ of this year. The side containing the _lex Acilia_ must have
been turned to the wall, and this fact seems to prove the supersession
of this law by a later one on the same subject. See Mommsen in C.I.L.
i. p. 56.
[824] Peracutus et callidus cum primisque ridiculus (Cic. _Brut_.
62. 224).
[825] Cic. _pro Rab. Post, 6, 14.
[826] Stercus Curiae (Cic. _de Orat_. iii. 41. 164).
[827] Cic. _Brut_. 62. 224 Is ... equestrem ordinem beneficio legis
devinxerat. Cf. _pro Scauro_ 1. 2. But the law of Glaucia was a _lex
repetundarum_ (Ascon. _in Scaurian_. p. 21; Val. Max. viii. 1. 8; cf.
notes 4 and 5), not a _lex judiciaria_.
[828] Cic. _in Verr_. i. 9. 26.
[829] Cic. _pro Rab. Post_. 4. 8. The granting of the _civitas_ to
Latins, as a reward for successful prosecution (Cic. _pro Balbo_ 24.
54), was not an innovation due to Glaucia. It appears already in the
_lex Acilia_.
[830] Liv. _Ep_. lxiii; Florus i. 39 (iii. 4); Eutrop. iv. 24.
[831] Oros. v. 15.
[832] Plut. _Quaest. Rom_. 83.
[833] Plut. _Quaest. Rom_. 83. The manuscript reading is [Greek:
_barbarou tinos hippikou therapon_]. I have adopted Ihne's suggestion
of _Barrou_, which he supports by a reference to Porphyrio _ad Hor.
Sat_. 1. 6. 30--Hic Barrus vilisimmae libidinosaeque admodum vitae fuit,
adeo ut Aemiliam virginem Vestae incestasse dictus sit.
[834] Dio Cass. _fr_. 92.
[835] Macrob. _Sat_. i. 10. 5.
[836] Ascon. _in Milonian_. p. 46. Cf. Cic. _de Nat. Deor_. iii. 30.
74.
[837] Scopulus reorum (Val. Max. iii. 7. 9).
[838] Ascon. l.c.
[839] Val. Max. l.c. Cum id vitare beneficio legis Memmiae liceret,
quae eorum, qui rei publicae causa abessent, recipi nomina vetabat.
[840] Val. Max. vi. 8. 1.
[841] Ascon. l.c. Nimia etiam, ut existimatio est, asperitate usus.
[842] Zumpt _Criminalrecht_ i. p. 117.
[843] Plut. _Quaest. Rom_., 83 [Greek: _duo en andras duo de gynaikas en
tae boon agorai legomenae tous men Hellaenas, tous de Galatas, zontas
katorhyxan_].
[844] Plin. _H.N_. xxx. 1. 12 DCLVII demum anno urbis Cn. Cornelia
Lentulo P. Licinio Crasso consulibus (97 B.C.) senatus consultum factum
est ne homo immolaretur.
[845] Plut. l.c.
[846] Obsequens 99 (37) (111 B.C.) Maxima pars urbis exusta cum aede
Matris Magnae; lacte per triduum pluit, hostiisque expiatum majoribus,
Jugurthinum bellum exortum. The war had been determined on the
year before.
[847] Boissiere _Esquisse d'une histoire de la conquete et de
l'administration Romaines dans le Nord de l'Afrique_ p. 41.
[848] App. _Lib_. [Greek: _apo Maurousion ton okeanoi mechri taes
Kyraenaion archaes es ta mesogeia_.]
[849] Boissiere l.c.
[850] [Greek: _ton legomenon Megalon Pedion_] (App. _Lib_. 68).
[851] Tissot _Geographie comparee de la province Romaine d'Afrique_ ii.
p. 5.
[852] Plin. _H.N_. v. 3. 22; v. 4. 25; Ptol. iv. 3. 7.
[853] Tissot op. cit. ii. pp. 1-20.
[854] Ibid. ii. p. 20.
[855] Mercier _La population indigene de L'Afrique_ pp. 129, 130;
Boissiere op. cit. p. 39.
[856] Tissot op. cit. i. pp. 400 foll. For the extension of the native
Libyan language cf. Boissiere, _L'Afrique Romaine_ p. 6.
[857] Tissot op. cit. pp. 403, 404.
[858] Hence the [Greek: _Melanogatouloi_] and the [Greek: _Lenkaithiopes_]
of Ptolemy (iv. 6. 5 and 6.) See Tissot op. cit. p. 447.
[859] Mercier op. cit. p. 136.
[860] Tissot op. cit. i. pp. 414-17.
[861] Boissiere (op. cit. p. 101) cites an interesting description of
the Kabyle from _Le capitaine Rinn_. In it occur the following
words:--La guerre pour lui (le Kabyle) est une affaire de devoir, de
necessite, de point d'honneur ou de vengeance; ce n'est jamais ni un
plaisir, ni une distraction, ni meme un etat normal; il ne la fait
qu'apres prevenu son ennemi, et, dans le combat ou apres la victoire, il
n'a pas de cruaute inutile.
[862] Tissot op. cit. i. pp. 417-18.
[863] Polyb. xxxvii. 3; Diod. xxxii. 17.
[864] Plin. _H.N_. v. 3 22.
[865] Strabo xvii. 3. 13.
[866] Livy says (xxix. 29) that this was the admitted order of
succession (ita mos apud Numidas est). The brother of a late king was
probably considered to be the most capable successor. An immature son
would be passed over. Cf. Biereye _Res Numidarum et Maurorum_ p. 18.
[867] Liv. _Ep_. 1.; Val. Max. v. 2, ext. 4; Oros. iv. 22.
[868] App. _Lib_. 106.
[869] App. _Hisp_. 67; Sall. _Jug_. 7.
[870] Strabo. xvii. 3. 13; Diod. xxxiv. 35.
[871] Oros. v, 11.
[872] Strabo l.c.
[873] Sall. _Jug_. 65. 1 Morbis confectus et ob eam causam mente paulum
inminuta. We are not told that he was in this condition before Micipsa's
death; but it is perhaps the reason why the king left him only "heir in
remainder" (secundum heredem) to the crown. Another aspirant appears
later on in the person of Massiva son of Gulussa (Sall. _Jug_. 35. i),
but this prince may not have been born, or may have been an infant, at
the time when Jugurtha was recognised as a possible successor. It is
possible that Massiva may have been mentioned as one of the
supplementary heirs in Micipsa's will, although Sallust does not inform
us of the fact.
[874] Sall. _Jug_. 6. 1.
[875] Sall. _Jug_. 6. 2.
[876] Ibid. 7. 6.
[877] Sall. _Jug_. 8. 1.
[878] Ibid. 8. 2.
[879] Sall. _Jug_. 9. 1.
[880] Statimque eum adoptavit et testamento pariter cum filiis heredem
instituit (Ibid. 9. 3).
[881] Ibid. 10.
[882] Sall. _Jug_. 11.
[883] Ibid. 12. 3. The site of Thirmida is unknown.
[884] Sallust, using Roman phraseology, says that he had been "proxumus
lictor Jugurthae" (_l c_.). Such a lictor would stand nearest the
magistrate, receive his immediate orders and be, therefore, presumably a
more trusted and intimate servant.
[885] Sall. _Jug_. 12.
[886] In duas partis discedunt Numidae; plures Adherbalem secuntur, sed
illum alterum bello meliores (Ibid. 13. 1).
[887] Sall. _Jug_. 13. 4.
[888] Ibid. 13. 6.
[889] Ibid. 14.
[890] Sallust (l.c.) makes Adherbal say "Micipsa pater meus moriens
mihi praecepit, ut regni Numidiae tantum modo procurationem existumarem
meam, ceterum jus et imperium ejus penes vos esse". The "jus et
imperium" have no true application to a protectorate.
[891] Sall. _Jug_. 15. 1.
[892] Ibid. 15. 2.
[893] Sall. _Jug_. 16. 2.
[894] Ibid. 16. 3.
[895] Sall. _Jug_. 16. 5.
[896] Sall. _Jug_. 20. 4.
[897] Ibid. 20. 7 Itaque non uti antea cum praedatoria manu, sed magno
exercitu conparato bellum gerere coepit et aperte totius Numidiae
imperium petere.
[898] Ibid. 21. 3.
[899] Sallust says (_Jug_. 21. 2): Haud longe a mari prope Cirtam
oppidum utriusque exercitus consedit. He apparently underestimates the
distance of Cirta from the sea.
[900] Ibid. 21. 2 Ni multitude togatorum fuisset, quae Numidas
insequentis moenibus prohibuit, uno die inter duos reges coeptum atque
patratum bellum foret.
[901] The bridge described by Shaw, constructed on one of the natural
arches which connect the two sides of the river bed and presenting two
ranges of superposed arcades, is no longer in existence. This bridge
attached the south-eastern angle of the town to the heights of Mansoura.
See Tissot _Geographie comparee_ ii. p. 393.
[902] Sall. _Jug_. 21. 3.
[903] Sall. _Jug_. 21. 4 Postquam senatus de bello eorum accepit, tres
adulescentes in Africam legantur, qui ambos reges adeant, senatus
populique Romani verbis nuntient velle et censere eos ab armis
discedere, de controvorsiis suis jure potius quam bello disceptare: ita
seque illisque dignum esse.
[904] Is rumor clemens erat (Ibid. 22. 1).
[905] Adherbalis adpellandi copia non fuit (Ibid. 22. 5).
[906] Si ab jure gentium sese prohibuerit (Sail. _Jug_. 22.4).
[907] Ibid, 23. 2 Adherbal ... intellegit ... penuria rerum
necessariarum bellum trahi non posse.
[908] Sall. _Jug_. 23. 2.
[909] Ibid. 24.
[910] Sall. _Jug_. 25. 1.
[911] Ibid. 25. 3 Ita bonum publicum, ut in plerisque negotiis solet,
privata gratia devictum.
[912] Ibid. 25. 4 Legantur tamen in Africam majores natu nobiles,
amplis honoribus usi.
[913] Cujus ... nutu prope terrarum orbis regebatur (Cic. _pro Font_. 7,
24).
[914] Sall. _Jug_. 25. 6 Primo commotus metu atque lubidine divorsus
agitabatur. Timebat iram senatus, ni paruisset legatis: porro animus
cupidine caecus ad inceptum scelus rapiebatur.
[915] Sall, _Jug_. 25. 10.
[916] Ibid. 25. 11.
[917] Sall. _Jug_. 26. 1 Italici, quorum virtute moenia defensabantur,
confisi deditione facta propter magnitudinem populi Romani inviolatos
sese fore, Adherbali suadent uti seque et oppidum Jugurthae tradat,
tantum ab eo vitam paciscatur: de ceteris senatui curae fore.
[918] Ibid. 26. 3 Jugurtha in primis Adherbalem excruciatum necat.
[919] Sallust (l.c.) represents him as the author of this massacre;
(Jugurtha) omnis puberes Numidas atque negotiatores promiscue, uti
quisque armatus obvius fuerat, interficit. But the attribution may be
due to the brevity of the narrative. The leader of a murderous host may
easily be credited with the outrages which it commits.
[920] Cic. _Brut_. 36. 136 Tum etiam C. L. Memmii fuerunt oratores
mediocres, accusatores acres atque acerbi. Itaque in judicium capitis
multos vocaverunt, pro reis non saepe dixerunt. For his mordant style
see Cic. _de Orat_. ii. 59, 240. The lofty opinion which he was supposed
to hold of himself is illustrated in Cic. _de Orat_. ii. 66, 267 Velut
tu, Crasse, in contione "ita sibi ipsum magnum videri Memmium ut in
forum descendens caput ad fornicem Fabianum demitteret".
[921] He was already "vir acer et infestus potentiae nobilitatis" (Sall.
_Jug_. 27. 2).
[922] Ibid. 27. 1.
[923] Ibid. 27. 2.
[924] Sall. _Jug_. 27. 3 Lege Sempronia provinciae futuris consulibus
Numidia atque Italia decretae. Consules declarati P. Scipio Nasica, L.
Bestia: Calpurnio Numidia, Scipioni Italia obvenit.
[925] Jugurtha, contra spem nuntio accepto, quippe cui Romae omnia venum
ire in animo haeserat (Ibid, 28. 1).
[926] Ibid.
[927] Sall. _Jug_. 28. 2.
[928] In consule nostro multae bonaeque artes animi et corporis erant,
quas omnis avaritia praepediebat: patiens laborum, acri ingenio, satis
providens, belli haud ignarus, firmissumus contra pericula et insidias
(Ibid. 28. 5).
[929] Sall. _Jug_. 28. 4 Calpurnius parato exercitu legal sibi homines
nobilis, factiosos, quorum auctoritate quae deliquisset munita
fore sperabat.
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