A History of Rome, Vol 1 by A H.J. Greenidge

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[930] Sall. _l. c_.

[931] The only record of this campaign is contained in the few words of
Sallust (Ibid, 28. 7) Acriter Numidiam ingressus est multosque
mortalis et urbis aliquot pugnando cepit.

[932] Possibly not at this time, but the date of its recovery is
unknown. The town is in the hands of Metellus during the closing months
of his campaign (Sall. _Jug_. 81. 2). Cf. p. 431.

[933] Sall. _Jug_. 19. 7 Mauris omnibus rex Bocchus imperitabat, praeter
nomen cetera ignarus populi Romani, itemque nobis neque bello neque pace
antea cognitus. Practically nothing is known of the predecessors of this
king. Livy (xxix. 30) mentions an earlier Baga of Mauretania, and
perhaps this name is identical with that of Bocchus or [Greek: _Bogos_].
See Biereye _Res Numidarum et Maurorum_. For the earlier history of
Mauretania see also Goebel _Die Westkueste Afrikas im Altertum_. The
boundaries of the kingdom were the Atlantic and the Muluccha on the west
and east respectively (Liv. xxiv. 49, xxi. 22; Sall. _Jug_. 110). The
southern boundary naturally shifted. At times the Mauretanian kings
ruled over some of the Gaetulian tribes, and Strabo (ii. 3.4) makes the
kingdom extend at one time to tribes akin to the Aethiopians--presumably
to the Atlas range. Elsewhere (xvii. 3. 2) he speaks of it as extending
over the Rif to the Gaetulians. See Goebel op. cit. pp. 79-82.

[934] Ibid. 80. 4 Bocchus initio hujusce belli legatos Romam miserat
foedus et amicitiam petitum.

[935] Sall. _Jug_. 29. 2 Scaurus ... tametsi a principio, plerisque ex
factione ejus conruptis, acerrume regem inpugnaverat, tamen magnitudine
pecuniae a bono honestoque in pravom abstractus est.

[936] Sall. _Jug_. 29. 3.

[937] Ibid. 29. 4 Interea fidei causa mittitur a consule Sextius
quaestor in oppidum Jugurthae Vagam.

[938] Vaga (Bedja) marks the frontier between the Numidian kingdom and
the Roman province--the frontier created in 172 B.C. by the invasions of
Masinissa and finally fixed in 146 B.C. The town lay on the west of the
Wad Bedja, which joins the Medjerda, and on the right of the road from
Carthage to Bulla Regia. There was another Vaga in the heart of Numidia,
between the Ampsaga and Thabraca. See Tissot _Geographie comparee_
ii. pp. 6, 302; Wilmanns in C.I.L. viii. p. 154.

[939] Long _Decline of the Rom. Republic_ i. p. 400.

[940] Sall. _Jug_, 29, 5 Rex ... pauca praesenti consilio locutus de
invidia fact! sui atque uti in deditionem acciperetur, reliqua cum
Bestia et Scauro secreta transigit.

[941] Ibid. (Rex) quasi per saturam sententiis exquisitis in
deditionem accipitur.

[942] Ibid. 29. 6.

[943] Bestia's presence was necessary at Rome as his colleague Nasica
had died during his tenure of the consulship (Cic. _Brut_. 34. 128).

[944] Sall. _Jug_. 30. I Postquam res in Africa gestas, quoque modo
actae forent fama divolgavit, Romae per omnis locos et conventus de
facto consulis agitari. Apud plebem gravis invidia.

[945] Sall. _Jug_. 30. 1 Patres solliciti erant: probarentne tantum
flagitium an decretum consulis subvorterent parum constabat.

[946] Ibid. 30. 2 Maxume eos potentia Scauri, quod is auctor et socius
Bestiae ferebatur, a vero bonoque inpediebat.

[947] Ibid. 30. 3.

[948] Ibid. 31.

[949] The best manuscripts read _his annis xv_ in Sall, _Jug_ 31. 2, but
xv may be a mistake for xx, which is the reading of some good ones.
Twenty years would carry us back to 131 B.C., approximately the date of
the fall of Tiberius Gracchus. The year 126 B.C. which the reading xv
gives, can hardly be said to mark an epoch in the decline of the
liberties of the people.

[950] Sociis nostris veluti hostibus, hostibus pro sociis utuntur (Sall.
_Jug_. 31. 23).

[951] Metum ab scelere suo ad ignaviam vostram transtulere, quos omnis
eadem cupere, eadem odisse, eadem metuere in unum coegit. Sed haec inter
bonos amicitia, inter malos factio est (Sall_. Jug_. 31. 14.)

[952] Quo facilius indicio regis Scauri et reliquorum, quos pecuniae
captae accersebat (Memmius), delicta patefierent (Ibid. 33. i).

[953] Alii perfugas vendere (Sall, _Jug_, 32.3). Long (_Decline of the
Rom. Rep. i. p_. 406) thinks that this means that they were sold as
slaves. But the words are probably to be brought into connection with
the terms of the Mamilian commission (Sall. _Jug_. 40.1) "qui elephantos
quique perfugas tradidissent". Ihne (_Roem. Gesch. v. p_. 131) seems to
regard these _perfugae_ as Roman subjects who had been handed over
by Jugurtha.

[954] Quoniam se populo Romano dedisset, ne vim quam misericordiam ejus
experiri mallet (Sall. _Jug_. 32. 5).

[955] Sall. _Jug_, 33.7.

[956] Confirmatus ab omnibus, quorum potentia aut scelere cuncta ea
gesserat quae supra diximus (Ibid. 33. 2).

[957] Ibid. 33. 2 (Jugurtha) C. Baebium tribunum plebis magna mercede
parat, cujus inpudentia contra jus et injurias omnis munitus foret.

[958] Sall. _Jug_. 33. 3.

[959] Producto Jugurtha (Ibid, 33. 4) i.e. led him to the front of
the tribunal, or the Rostra if the scene took place in the Forum.

[960] Regem tacere jubet (Sall. _Jug_. 34.1).

[961] Vicit tamen inpudentia (Ibid.).

[962] Ibid. 34. 2.

[963] Sall. _Jug_. 35. 2. It is not impossible that he may have been
mentioned as one of the supplementary heirs in Micipsa's will. See
p. 323.

[964] Sall. _Jug_. 35. 6.

[965] Ibid. 35. 7 Fit reus magis ex aequo bonoque quam ex jure gentium
Bomilcar, comes ejus qui Romam fide publica venerat.

[966] Sall. _Jug_. 35. 9.

[967] Urbem venalem et mature perituram, si emptorem invenerit! (Ibid.
35. 10).

[968] There was still an heir in Gauda--one too who had been recognised
in the testament of Micipsa (p. 323); but he may not have been regarded
as a suitable candidate.

[969] Sall. _Jug_. 36. 1 Albinus renovato bello commeatum, stipendium,
aliaque, quae militibus usui forent, maturat in Africam portare, ac
statim ipse profectus, uti ante comitia, quod tempus haud longe aberat,
armis aut deditione aut quovis modo bellum conficeret.

[970] Cf. Sall. _Jug_. 36. 1 Armis aut deditione aut quovis modo.

[971] Sall. _Jug_. 36. 3 Ac fuere qui tum Albinum haud ignarum consili
regis existumarent, neque ex tanta properantia tam facile tractum bellum
socordia magis quam dolo crederent.

[972] His colleague Quintus Minucius Rufus was making war with the
barbarians of Thrace (Liv. _Ep_. lxv; Vellei. ii. 8; Florus i. 39 (iii.
4); Eutrop. iv. 27).

[973] See cf. Meinel _Zur Chronologie des Jug. Krieges_ p. 11.

[974] Quae dissensio totius anni comitia inpediebat (Sall. _Jug_. 37.
2).

[975] The tribunician year ended with 9th December, but it is not likely
that the consuls of 109, Metellus and Silanus, were elected between this
date and 1st January of 109. Had they been, Metellus would have held
Numidia and Sp. Albinus would not have been allowed to return there.

[976] Sall. _Jug_. 37. 3.

[977] There is little probability that the Calama (Gelma) of Orosius (v.
15) and the Suthul of Sallust are identical. Those who have visited the
site of Gelma deny that Sallust's description suits this region and
think that Suthul was a place near by. Grellois (_Ghelma_ pp. 263 foll.)
thinks that Suthul may be placed on a site where now stands the village
of Henschir Ain Neschma, one hour's distance from Gelma. See Wilmanns in
C.I. L. viii. p. 521.

[978] Sall. _Jug_. 37. 4.

[979] Vineas agere, aggerem jacere, aliaque quae incepto usui forent
properare (Sall. _Jug_. 37. 4).

[980] Sall. _Jug. 38. 9. The treaty perhaps gave to Jugurtha a specific
guarantee of the undisturbed possession of Numidia.

[981] Oros. v. 15.

[982] Sail. _Jug_. 39. 1.

[983] Sallust (_Jug_. 39. 2) improperly calls him _consul_. The only
position which he held now was that of proconsul of Numidia.

[984] Senatus ita uti par fuerat decernit, suo atque populi injussu
nullum potuisse foedus fieri (Sall. _Jug_. 39. 3).

[985] Sall. _Jug_. 39. 4.

[986] Sall. _Jug_. 40. 1.

[987] Occulte per amicos ac maxume per homines nominis Latini et socios
Italicos inpedimenta parabant (Ibid. 40. 2). For the later relations
of the government with the Latins and allies see p. 288.

[988] Sed plebes incredibile memoratu est quam intenta fuerit quantaque
vi rogationem jusserit, magis odio nobilitatis cui mala illa parabantur,
quam cura rei publicae: tanta lubido in partibus erat (Sall. _Jug_.
40. 3).

[989] Ibid. 40. 4.

[990] [Victor] _de Vir. Ill_. 72; Plut. _Quaest. Rom_. 50.

[991] Sall. _Jug_. 40. 5 Sed quaestio exercita aspere violenterque ex
rumore et lubidine plebis. Ut saepe nobilitatem, sic ea tempestate
plebem ex secundis rebus insolentia ceperat.

[992] Cic. _Brut_. 34. 128 Invidiosa lege Mamilia quaestio C. Galbam
sacerdotem et quattuor consulates, L. Bestiam, C. Catonem, Sp. Albinum
civemque praestantissimum L. Opimium, Gracchi interfectorem, a populo
absolutum, cum is contra populi studium stetisset. Gracchani judices
sustulerunt. For the condemnation of Opimius cf. _pro Sest_. 67, 140;
for that of Galba, _Brut_. 33. 127. Here honour is paid to Galba's
speech in his defence (Extat ejus peroratio, qui epilogus dicitur: qui
tanto in honore pueris nobis erat, ut eum etiam edisceremus). Of Galba
it is said (l.c.) Hic, qui in collegio sacerdotum esset, primus post
Romam conditam judicio publico est condemnatus. He was perhaps a member
of the college of pontiffs (Long _Decline of the Rom. Rep_. i. p. 415).
(For the exile of Cato at Tarraco see _pro Balbo_ 11. 28).

[993] Sall. _Jug_. 43. I; Liv. _Ep_. lxv.

[994] Sallust's language (_Jug_. 43. 1) is indeterminate, but suggests
the use of the lot--Metellus et Silanus consules designati provincias
inter se partiverant, Metelloque Numidia evenerat. There are instances
in later times of a manipulation of the _sortitio_. See Cic. _ad Fam_.
v. 2. 3; _ad Att_. i. 16. 8. This assignment of the provinces followed
the treaty of Aulus (l.c.), i.e. it took place early in 109, but not
in the very first months of that year, as Spurius Albinus had gone back
to Africa as proconsul (p. 373). As we have seen (p. 369) there is no
probability that the consuls of 109 were elected in 110. Sallust's words
(l.c.) "consules designati" simply mean "appointed consuls" and have
no reference to the usual status of "consuls designate".

[995] Polyb. vi. 56.

[996] Cic. _pro Balbo_ 5. 11; _ad Att_. i. 16. 4; Val. Max. ii. 10. 1.
It is supposed that Sicily may have been the province, which he had
governed as propraetor, and from which he had returned when he was
subjected to this trial. See Drumann _Gesch. Roms_. ii. p. 31.

[997] Acri viro et, quamquam advorso populi partium, fama tamen
aequabili et inviolata (Sall. _Jug_. 43. 1).

[998] Ibid. 43. 4.

[999] Sall. _Jug_. 44. Cf. Val. Max. ii. 7. 2; Frontin. _Strat_.
iv. 1. 2.

[1000] Sed in ea difficultate Metellum non minus quam in rebus
hostilibus magnum et sapientem virum fuisse conperior: tanta temperantia
inter ambitionem saevitiamque moderatum.... Ita prohibendo a delictis
magis quam vindicando exercitum brevi confirmavit (Sall. _Jug_. 45).

[1001] Sall. _Jug_. 46. 1.

[1002] Jugurtha ... diffidere suis rebus ac tum demum veram deditionem
facere conatus est (Ibid.).

[1003] Sall. _Jug_. 46. 2.

[1004] Sed Metello jam antea experimentis cognitum erat genus Numidarum
infidum, ingenio mobili, novarum rerum avidum esse (Ibid. 46. 3).

[1005] Sall. _Jug_. 46. 5.

[1006] Sall. _Jug_. 47. 1 Oppidum Numidarum nomine Vaga, forum rerum
venalium totius regni maxume celebratum, ubi et incolere et mercari
consueverant Italici generis multi mortales. Sallust does not say that
Italian merchants were still in the town. Their presence in Numidian
cities since the massacre at Cirta may be doubted, although the fact
that the town was so near the province may have mastered the fears of
some of the traders.

[1007] Sall. _Jug_. 47. 4.

[1008] Ibid. 48. 1 Coactus rerum necessitudine statuit armis certare.

[1009] Tissot _Geographie comparee_ 1. pp. 67-68. I have followed Tissot
in his identification of the Muthul with the Waed Mellag. This view makes
Metellus's efforts concentrate for the time on S.E. Numidia. He intended
to secure his communications before proceeding farther, whether south or
west. The older view, which identified the Muthul with the Ubus (Mannert
and Forbiger) would represent Metellus as opening his campaign in the
direction of Hippo Regius--Western Numidia would thus be his object and
the subsequent campaign about Zama would indicate a change of plan. This
is not an impossible view; but there are other indications which favour
the hypothesis that the Muthul is the Waed Mellag. One is that Sicca in
its neighbourhood veered round to the Romans after the battle (Sall.
_Jug_. 56. 3). The other is the alleged suitability of this region to
the topographical description given by Sallust. Tissot believed that
every step in the great battle could be traced on the ground. The "mons
tractu pari" is the Djebel Hemeur mta Ouargha, parallel to the course of
the Waed Mellag and extending from the Djebel Sara to the Waed Zouatin.
The hill projected by this chain perpendicularly to the river is the
Koudiat Abd Allah, which detaches itself from the central block of the
Djebel Hemeur and the direction of which is perpendicular both to the
mountain and to the Waed Mellag. The plain, waterless and desert in the
angle formed by the hill and the mountain but inhabited and cultivated
in the neighbourhood of the Muthul, is the Feid-es-Smar, watered in its
lower part by two streams which empty into the Waed Mellag. The distance,
however, which separates Djebel Hemeur from the left bank of the Waed
Mellag, is not twenty (the number given by the MSS. of Sallust) but
about seven miles. S. Reinach in his edition of Tissot has not
reproduced the author's own sketch of the battle of the Muthul, but a
map of the district will be found in the Atlas appended to the work (Map
xviii., Medjerda superieure). This map forms the basis of the one which
I have given.

[1010] See note 1. One must agree with Tissot that the "ferme milia
passuum viginti" of Sallust (_Jug_. 48. 3) cannot be accepted. Such a
distance is impossible from a strategic point of view, as Metellus could
never have sent his vanguard such a distance in advance, when he himself
was engaged with the enemy. It is also inconsistent with the account of
the battle, the details of which obviously show that it took place in a
much smaller area. The actual distance between the conjectured sites is
about seven Roman miles (note 1. See Tissot op. cit. i. p. 71).

[1011] Sall. _Jug_. 48.

[1012] This appears from the narrative in Ibid. 52. 5. Even when
Jugurtha had advanced some distance to the river, Bomilcar was not
actually in touch with the king's forces.

[1013] Sall. _Jug_. 49. 4.

[1014] Sall. _Jug_. 49. 4.

[1015] Ibid. 49. 6 Ibi conmutatis ordinibus in dextero latere, quod
proxumum hostis erat, triplicibus subsidies aciem instruxit.

[1016] Sall. _Jug_. 49. 6 Sicuti instruxerat, transvorsis principiis in
planum deducit. The word "transvorsis" here probably refers to the
direction in which the front rank faced the enemy, and the position may
be described in another way by saying that Metellus marched with his
front rank sideways to Jugurtha. See Summers in loc.

[1017] Ibid. 50. 2.

[1018] Ibid. 50. 1.

[1019] Sall. _Jug_. 52. 5.

[1020] Ibid. 50. 2.

[1021] Sall. _Jug_. 51. 3.

[1022] Sall. _Jug_. 52.5.

[1023] Aciem quam diffidens virtuti militum arte statuerat, quo hostium
itineri officeret, latius porrigit eoque modo ad Rutili castra procedit
(Ibid. 52. 6).

[1024] Sall. _Jug_. 53. 3.

[1025] Ibid. 53. 5 Instructi intentique obviam procedunt. Nam dolus
Numidarum nihil languidi neque remissi patiebatur.

[1026] Pro victoria satis jam pugnatum, reliquos labores pro praeda fore
(Sall. _Jug_. 54. 1).

[1027] Interim Romae gaudium ingens ortum cognitis Metelli rebus, ut
seque et exercitum more majorum gereret, in advorso loco victor tamen
virtute fuisset, hostium agro potiretur, Jugurtham magnificum ex Albini
socordia spem salutis in solitudine aut fuga coegisset habere
(Ibid. 55. 1).

[1028] Sall. _Jug_. 54. 1.

[1029] Ibid. 54. 3.

[1030] Metellus, ubi videt ... minore detrimento illos vinci quam suos
vincere, statuit non proeliis neque in acie, sed alio more bellum
gerundum (Ibid. 54. 5).

[1031] Sall. _Jug_. 54. 6.

[1032] Sall. _Jug_. 55. 5.

[1033] Sicca is the modern El Kef, but is still called by its
inhabitants by its old name of Sicca Veneria (Schak Benar), The name
_Veneria_ was derived from a temple of the Punic Aphrodite (cf. Val.
Max. ii. 6. 15). Of its strategic importance Tissot says "El Kef is
still regarded as the strongest place in Tunis.... The town dominates
the great plains of Es-sers, Zanfour, Lorbeus and of the Waed Mellag, at
the same time that it commands one of the principal ways of
communication leading from Tunis to Algiers." See Wilmanns in C.I.L.
viii. p. 197; Tissot _Geogr. comp_. ii. p. 378. Zama Regia is now
identified, not with the place called Lehs, El-Lehs or Elies (Wilmanns
op. cit. p. 210), but with Djiama. See Tissot op. cit. ii. pp. 571,
577-79; Mommsen in _Hermes_ xx. pp. 144-56; Schmidt in _Rhein. Mus_.
1889 (N. F. 44) pp. 397 foll.

[1034] Sall. _Jug_. 56. 3.

[1035] Ibid. 56. 2.

[1036] Id oppidum in campo situm magis opere quam natura munitum erat
(Ibid. 57. 1).

[1037] Contra ea oppidani in proxumos saxa volvere, sudes, pila,
praeterea picem sulphure et taeda mixtam ardentia mittere (Sall. _Jug_.
57. 5). If _ardentia_ is correct, the _sudes_ and _pila_ must also have
been winged with fire. I have interpreted the passage as though
_ardenti_ (suggested by Herzog) were the true reading. Summers suggests
"picem sulphure mixtam et tela ardentia."

[1038] Ibid. 58. 1.

[1039] Sall. _Jug_. 59. 1.

[1040] Ibid. 59. 3.

[1041] Sall. _Jug_. 60. 4.

[1042] Ibid. 61. 1.

[1043] Sall. _Jug_. 61. 4.

[1044] Sall. _Jug_. 62, 1.

[1045] Mittuntur ad imperatorem legati, qui Jugurtham imperata facturum
dice rent (Ibid. 62. 3). The word _imperata_ implies previous
negotiations.

[1046] Metellus proper cantos senatorial ordinis ex Hibernia accurse
jubet; eorum et variorum, quos ironers defeat, console habet
(Ibid. 62. 4).

[1047] Ihne _Roem. Gesch_. v. p. 146.

[1048] Sall. _Jug_. 62. 5. Orosius (v. 15. 7) adds that Jugurtha
promised corn and other supplies.

[1049] Oros. l.c.

[1050] Sall. _Jug_. 62. 7.

[1051] Oros. l.c.

[1052] App. _Num_. 3.

[1053] Its site is unknown.

[1054] Romae senatus de provinciis consults Numidiam Metello decelerare
(Sall. _Jug_. 62. 10). It is possible that the senate merely abstained
from making Numidia a consular province. See Summers in loc. and cf.
p. 222.

[1055] Etiam tum alios magistratus plebs, consulate nobilities inter se
per manus trade bat. Novas memo tam claries neque tam egregious facts
erat, quin is indigenous illo honore et quasi pollutes aerator
(Ibid. 63. 6).

[1056] Ibid. 63. 1.

[1057] Sall. _Jug_. 64. 4.

[1058] Milites quibus in Hibernia preheat lax ore imperio quam antea
habere (Ibid. 64. 5).

[1059] Sall. _Jug_. 64. 5.

[1060] Ibid. 65. 1 Erat praeterea in exercitu nostro Unmade quidam
nomine Gauda, Mastanabalis filius, Masinissae nepos, quem Micipsa
testamento secundum heredem scripserat, morbis confectus et ob eam
causam mente paulum inminuta.

[1061] Turmam equitum Romanorum (Ibid. 65. 2). It appears, therefore,
that _equites equo publico_, although seldom (if ever) used as cavalry
at this time, still formed the escort of generals or princes.

[1062] Equites Romanos, milites et negotiatores (Sall. _Jug_. 65. 4).

[1063] Sall. _Jug_. 66. 3.

[1064] Ibid. 67.

[1065] Sall. _Jug_. 67. 3 Turpilius praefectus unus ex omnibus Italicis
intactus profugit. Id misericordiane hospitis an pactione an casu ita
evenerit, parum comperimus: nisi, quia illi in tanto malo turpis vita
integra fama potior fuit, inprobus intestabilisque videtur.

[1066] Ibid. 68. 1.

[1067] Ibid. 68. 4 Equites in primo late, pedites quam artissume ire
et signa occultare jubet.

[1068] Plut. _Mar_. 8 outos gar ho anaer aen men ek poteron xenos toi
Metello kai tote taen epi ton tektonon echon archaen synestrateue.

[1069] Plut. l.c.

[1070] Plut. l.c.

[1071] Sall. _Jug_. 69. 4 Turpilius ... condemnatus verberatusque capite
poenas solvit: nam is civis e Latio erat. If the last words mean that
Turpilius was a Latin, they may show that the law of Drusus (p. 242), if
passed, was no longer respected. If they mean that he was a Roman
citizen from a Latin town, they illustrate this law. Appian (_Num_. 3)
says that Turpilius was a Roman ([Greek: _andra Rhomaion_]).

[1072] Sall. _Jug_. 70.

[1073] Proinde reputaret cum animo suo, praemia an cruciatum mallet
(Sall. _Jug_. 70. 6).

[1074] Sall. _Jug_. 72.

[1075] Ibid. 73.

[1076] Meinel (_Zur Chronologie des Jugurth. Krieges p. 13_) thinks that
the consular elections of 108 did not take place before the winter, and
that they may even have drifted over into the following year.

[1077] Plut, _Mar_. 8.

[1078] Plut. l.c. It is possible that this story and that of Sallust
(_Jug_. 63 see p. 410) about the sacrifice at Utica belong to the same
incident. But it is not probable. A man such as Marius would often
approach a favourite shrine.

[1079] Liv. _Ep_. lxv.

[1080] [Victor] _de Vir. Ill_. 72; Ammian. xxvii. 3. 9.

[1081] The _via Aemilia_ ([Victor] l.c.; Strabo v. 1. 11).

[1082] Plut. _Quaest. Rom_. 50.

[1083] Plut. _Mar_. 8.

[1084] Sall. _Jug_. 73. 6 Denique plebes sic accensa, uti opifices
agrestesque omnes, quorum res fidesque in manibus sitae erant, relictis
operibus frequentarent Marium et sua necessaria post illius honorem
ducerent. The labours, from which the _agrestes_ were drawn, may have
been those of early spring, if the elections were delayed until the
early part of 107 B.C. (See p. 420, Meinel l.c.)

[1085] Ibid. 73. 7 Sed paulo _ante senatus Metello Numidiam_
decreverat: ea res frustra fuit. The words in italics are not given by
the good manuscripts; they are perhaps an interpolation drawn from ch.
62. See Summers in loc. It is possible that some mention of the
provinces which the senate had decreed to the new consuls stood here.
Mommsen (_Hist. of Rome_ bk. iv. c. 4) thinks that the passage may have
contained a statement that the senate had destined Gaul and Italy for
the consuls.

[1086] Sall. _Fug_. 85.

[1087] Ibid. 85. 12 Atque ego scio, Quirites, qui, postquam consules
facti sunt, et acta majorum et Graecorum militaria praecepta legere
coeperint--praeposteri homines: nam gerere quam fieri tempore posterius,
re atque usu prius est.

[1088] Ibid. 84. 2.

[1089] Polyb. vi. 19.2.

[1090] According to Gellius (xvi. 10, 10) 375 asses:--Qui ... nullo aut
perquam parvo aere censebantur, "capite censi" vocabantur, extremus
autem census capite censorum aeris fuit trecentis septuaginta quinque.
But this decline from the Polybian census seems incredibly rapid.
Perhaps the figure should be 3,750--one closely resembling that given by
Polybius. Cf. p. 61.

[1091] Cf. Liv. x. 21 (cited by Ihne _Roem. Gesch_. v. p. 154)
Senatus ... delectum omnis generis hominum haberi jussit. See also Gell.
l.c. 13. Polybius vi. 19. 3, according to Casaubon's reading (p. 135),
cannot be cited in illustration of this point.

[1092] Sall. _Jug_. 86 2 Ipse interea milites scribere, non more majorum
neque ex classibus, sed uti cujusque lubido erat, capite censos
plerosque. Val. Max. ii. 3. 1 Fastidiosum dilectus genus in exercitibus
Romanis oblitterandum duxit. Cf. Florus i. 36 (iii. 1). 13. The
tradition preserved by Plutarch (_Mar. 9_) that Marius enrolled slaves
as well ([Greek: _polyn ton aporon kai doulon katagraphon_]), is
apparently an echo from the time of the civil wars. Plutarch may mean
men of servile birth and, though it is noted that freedmen were not
employed even on occasional service until 90 B.C. (App. _Bell. Civ_. i.
49), yet it is possible that Marius's hasty levy may have swept in some
men of this standing. But after, as before the time of Marius,
free-birth (_ingenuitas_) continued to be a necessary qualification for
service in the legions.

[1093] Sall. _Jug_. 86. 3.

[1094] Sall. _Jug_. 86. 3.

[1095] Sall. _Jug_. 74. 1.

[1096] Ibid. 74. 2.

[1097] Ibid. 75. 1. There are two Thalas in Numidia. The one with
which we are here concerned is believed to be that lying east of Capsa
(Khafsa), not that near Ammaedara (the latter is probably the Thala of
Tac. _Ann_. iii. 21). Its identification was due to Pelissier who
visited the site. It has one of the characteristics mentioned by
Sallust, for the existing ruins are situated in a region destitute of
water except for one neighbouring fountain. The river from which the
Romans drew water and filled their vessels might be the one now called
the Waed Lebem or Leben--the only one in this part of Tunis which does
not run dry even in summer. The ruins are of small extent and
unimposing, but this feature agrees with the statement of Strabo (xvii.
3. 12) that Thala was one of the towns blotted out by continuous wars in
Africa. It was, therefore, not restored by the Romans. It has been
doubted whether the name Thala is a proof of the identity of the site
with that described by Sallust, since Pelissier says (_Rev. Arch_. 1847,
p. 399) that the place is surrounded by a grove of trees, of the kind
known as _mimosa gummifera_ and called _thala_ by the Arabs. The ruins
may have drawn their name from these trees. See Wilmanns in C.I.L.
viii. p. 28 and cf. Tissot _Geogr. comp_. ii. p. 635.