A History of Rome, Vol 1 by A H.J. Greenidge

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[1098] Sall. _Jug_. 75. 9.

[1099] Sall. _Jug_. 76. 3 Deinde locis ex copia maxume idoneis vineas
agere, aggerem jacere et super aggerem inpositis turribus opus et
administros tutari.

[1102] The name appears on coins in Punic letters as L B Q I (Movers
_Die Phoenizer_ II 2. p. 486; Mueller _Numismatique de l'Afrique_ II p.
10). Greek writers also call it Neapolis, probably because it was not
far from an older town at the mouth of the Cinyps (the Waed
Mghar-el-Ghrin), although others hold that this name designated a
particular quarter of the town. The three cities of the Syrtis--Sabrata,
Oea and Leptis--were called Tripolis, but do not seem to have been
politically connected with one another. Leptis had been stipendiary to
Carthage (Liv. xxxiv. 62) and had subsequently been occupied by
Masinissa (Liv. l.c.; cf. App. _Lib_. 106). But the occupation was
not permanent or effective. Sallust notes (_Jug_. 78) that its situation
had enabled it to escape Numidian influence.

[1101] Sall. _Jug_. 77. 3.

[1102] Ibid. 80. 1.

[1103] Forbiger _Handb. der alt. Geogr_. ii. p. 885.

[1104] Sall. _Jug_. 80. 2.

[1105] Ibid. 80. 1.

[1106] Ibid. 80. 6 Ea necessitudo apud Numidas Maurosque levis
ducitur, quia singuli pro opibus quisque quam plurumas uxores, denas
alii, alii pluris habent, sed reges eo amplius. Ita animus multitudine
distrahitur: nulla pro socia optinet, pariter omnes viles sunt.

[1107] Sall. _Jug_. 81. 1.

[1108] Ibid. 82. 1.

[1109] Cf. p. 349.

[1110] Sall. _Jug_. 81. 2.

[1111] Ibid. 82. 1.

[1112] Ibid. 82. 2.

[1113] Sall. _Jug_. 83. 1.

[1114] Sall, _Jug_. 86. 5.

[1115] Ibid. 88. 1.

[1116] Vellei. ii. II Metelli ... et triumphus fuit clarissimus et
meritum ex virtute ei cognomen Numidici inditum. Cf. Eutrop. iv. 27.

[1117] Sall. _Jug_. 88. 5.

[1118] Sall. _Jug_. 88. 3.

[1119] Sallust uses the historic infinitive (Ibid, 89. 1 Consul, uti
statuerat, oppida castellaque munita adire, partim vi, alia metu aut
praemia ostentando avortere ab hostibus), but the reduction of some of
these places may perhaps be assumed.

[1120] Cf. p. 426.

[1121] Capsa (Kafsa or Gafsa) may have been once subject to Carthage and
have been added to the kingdom of Masinissa after the Hannibalic war.
Strabo (xvii. 3. 12) mentions it amongst the ruined towns of Africa, but
it revived later on, received a Latin form of constitution under
Hadrian, and was ultimately the seat of a bishopric. See Wilmanns in C.
I. L. viii. p. 22. Its commercial importance was very great. It was, as
Tissot says (_Geogr. comp_. ii. p. 664), placed on the threshold of the
desert at the head of the three great valleys which lead, the one to the
bottom of the Gulf of Kabes, the other to Tebessa, the third to the
centre of the regency of Tunis. He describes it as one of the gates of
the Sahara and one of the keys of Tell, the necessary point of transit
of the caravans of the Soudan and the advanced post of the high plateau
against the incursions of the nomads. Strabo (l.c.) describes Capsa as
a treasure-house of Jugurtha, but it has been questioned whether this
description is not due to a confusion with Thala (Wilmanns l.c.).

[1122] Sall. _Jug_. 89. 6.

[1123] Ibid. 89. 5 Nam, praeter oppido propinqua, alia omnia vasta,
inculta, egentia aquae, infesta serpentibus, quarum vis sicuti omnium
ferarum inopia cibi acrior. Ad hoc natura serpentium, ipsa perniciosa,
siti magis quam alia re accenditur. Tissot says (op. cit. ii. p. 669)
that the solitudes which surround the oasis make a veritable "belt of
sands and snakes" (cf. Florus iii. 1. 14 Anguibus harenisque
vallatam).

[1124] Sal. _Jug_. 90. 1.

[1125] Aulus Manlius was sent with some light cohorts to protect the
stores at Lares (Ibid. 90. 2). These stores were, therefore, not
exhausted.

[1126] The Tana has often been identified with the Waed Tina, but this
identification would take Marius along the coast by Thenae--a course
which he almost certainly did not follow. Tissot holds (_Geogr. comp_.
i. p. 85) that Tana is only a generic Libyan name for a water-course. He
thinks that the river in question is the Waed-ed-Derb. (Ibid. p. 86).

[1127] This _locus tumulosus_ (Sall. _Jug_. 91. 3) is identified by
Tissot (op. cit. ii. p 669) with a spur of the Djebel Beni-Younes
which dominates Kafsa on the northeast at the distance indicated
by Sallust.

[1128] Ibid. 91. 7.

[1129] Sall. _Jug_. 92. 3.

[1130] Sallust omits all mention of these winter quarters. Such an
omission does not prove that he is a bad military historian, but simply
that he never meant his sketch to be a military history. But he has
perhaps freed himself too completely from the annalistic methods of most
Roman historians.

[1131] Sall. _Jug_. 92. 2.

[1132] The Waed Muluja. It is called Muluccha by Sallust, [Greek:
_Molochath_] by Strabo (xvii. 3, 9). Other names given to it by
ancient authorities are Malvane, [Greek: _Maloua_], Malva. See Goebel
_Die Westkueste Afrikas im Altertum_ pp. 79, 80.

[1133] Bocchus, however, claimed the territory within which Marius was
operating (Sall. _Jug_. 102).

[1134] Ibid. 92. 5.

[1135] Ibid. 93.

[1136] Sall. _Jug_. 94. 3.

[1137] Sall. _Jug_. 95. 1.

[1138] Sall, _Jug_. 95. 1 L. Sulla quaestor cum magno equitatu in castra
venit, quos uti ex Latio et a sociis cogeret Romae relictus erat.

[1139] Cic. _in Verr_. iii. 58. 134.

[1140] Cf. Cic. _ad Att_. vi. 6. 3 and 4.

[1141] Val. Max. vi. 9. 6 C. Marius consul moleste tulisse traditur quod
sibi asperrimum in Africa bellum gerenti tam delicatus quaestor sorte
obvenisset.

[1142] Plut. _Sulla_ 2.

[1143] Val. Max. l.c.; Plut. _Sulla_ 2.

[1144] Litteris Graecis atque Latinis juxta, atque doctissume, eruditus
(Sall. _Jug_. 95. 3).

[1145] Plut. l.c.

[1146] Plut. l.c.

[1147] He was born in 138 B.C. He was entering on his sixtieth year at
the time of his death in 78 B.C. (Val. Max. ix. 3. 8). Cf. Vellei. ii.
17 and see Lau _Lucius Cornelius Sulla_ p. 25.

[1148] Sall. _Jug_. 96.

[1149] Sall. _Jug_. 97. 2.

[1150] Sallust states later that Cirta was his original aim (Ibid. 102.
1 Pervenit in oppidum Cirtam, quo initio profectus intenderat); but
Marius's plans may have been modified by intervening events.

[1151] Vix decuma parte die reliqua (Ibid. 97. 3).

[1152] Sall, _Jug_. 98. 1.

[1153] Ibid. 97. 5 Denique Romani ... orbis facere, atque ita ab
omnibus partibus simul tecti et instructi hostium vim sustentabant.

[1154] Ibid. 98. 3.

[1155] Sall. _Jug_. 99. 1.

[1156] Pariter atque in conspectu hostium quadrato agmine incedere
(Ibid. 100. 1). For the nature and growth of this tactical formation
amongst the Romans see Marquardt _Staatsverw. ii. p. 423.

[1157] Sall. _Jug_. 101. 2.

[1158] It is possible that Jugurtha intentionally let his approach be
known, so that the Romans might form in their usual battle order.

[1159] This force is not mentioned by Sallust (Sall. _Jug_. 101. 5), but
it seems implied in the junction of Bocchus with Volux.

[1160] Quod ubi milites accepere, magis atrocitate rei quam fide nuntii
terrentur (Ibid. 101. 7).

[1161] Sall. _Jug_. 101. 9.

[1162] Oros. v. 15. 9 foll. This account in Orosius corresponds to
nothing in Sallust and is clearly drawn from other sources. The attempt
of the Romans to storm Cirta (Section 10) must be a mistake, unless it
refers to some earlier and unrecorded operation of the war. Some details
of Section 14 bear a shadowy resemblance to points in the first of the
recent battles described by Sallust; but there are other details which
make the identification impossible.

[1163] Hastilia telorum, quae manu intorquere sine ammentis solent
(Oros. v. 15. 16).

[1164] According to Sallust (_Jug_. 102. 2.); but the fight which he
describes may not have been the final battle. See p. 452.

[1165] Ibid. 102. 2.

[1166] Sall. _Jug_. 102. 5.

[1167] Ibid. 102. 12.

[1168] Cf. Sall. _Jug_. 80. 4. See p. 349.

[1169] Sall. _Jug_. 102. 15.

[1170] The headquarters were doubtless Cirta, to which we find Marius
returning (Ibid. 104. 1); but shortly afterwards we find Sulla and the
envoys coming to Cirta from a place which, according to one reading, is
called Tucca (see p. 457). All the troops were probably not concentrated
at Cirta, as Marius meant to quarter them in the coast-towns
(Ibid. 100. 1).

[1171] Ibid. 103. 2.

[1172] Sall. _Jug_. 104. 3.

[1173] Ibid. 103. 7.

[1174] Sulla and the envoys were now at a place which variant readings
make either Tucca or Utica (Ibid. 104. 1 Illosque et Sullam [ab Tucca
_or_ Utica] venire jubet, item L. Bellienum praetorem Utica). Utica is
rendered improbable by its mention a few words later, although it is
possible that the name of this town has been duplicated in the sentence.
If we keep Tucca, it cannot be Thugga (Dugga) in Numidia, which is some
distance from the coast. It may be the town which Pliny (_Hist. Nat_. v.
2. 21) calls "oppidum Tucca inpositum mari et flumini Ampsagae".

[1175] It is possible that this armistice included Jugurtha as well,
although this is not stated by Sallust (Sall. _Jug_. 104. 2).

[1176] Ibid. 104. 5.

[1177] Sall. _Jug_. 105. 1.

[1178] Ibid. 106. 2.

[1179] Sall. _Jug_. 107, 1.

[1180] Sall. _Jug_. 107. 6. Cf. Plut. _Sulla_ 3.

[1181] Ibid. 108.

[1182] This is apparently the meaning of Sallust (Ibid. 108. 1) when
he describes Dabar as Massugradae filius, ex gente Masinissae, ceterum
materno genere inpar (nam pater ejus ex concubina ortus erat).

[1183] Sall. _Jug_. 108. 3 Sed ego conperior Bocchum magis Punica fide
quam ob ea, quae praedicabat, simul Romanos et Numidam spe pacis
attinuisse, multumque cum animo suo volvere solitum, Jugurtham Romanis
an illi Sullam traderet; lubidinem advorsum nos, metum pro
nobis suasisse.

[1184] Ibid. 109, 2 Dicit se missum a consule. Marius was really
proconsul.

[1185] Ibid. 110.

[1186] Sall. _Jug_. 111.

[1187] Sall. _Jug_. 111. 2

[1188] Ibid. 112. 1.

[1189] Haec Maurus secum ipse diu volvens tandem promisit, ceterum dolo
an vere cunctatus parum comperimus (Ibid. 113. 1).

[1190] This must have been the agreement, although Sallust says only
Eodem Numida cum plerisque necessariis inermis, uti dictum erat, adcedit
(Sall. _Jug_. 113. 6).

[1191] Ibid. 114. 3.

[1192] Gauda is called king in an inscription which gives the whole
house of Juba II. The inscription (C.I.L. II. n. 3417) runs:--Regi
Jubae reg(is) Jubae filio regi(s) Iempsalis n. regis Gau(dae) pronepoti
regis Masiniss(ae) pronepotis nepoti IIvir quinq. patrono coloni (the
_coloni_, who set up the inscription, having made Juba II IIvir
quinquennalis _honoris causa_). The only doubt which affects the belief
in Gauda's succession arises from a passage in Cic. _post Red. ad Quir_.
8. 20. Cicero here says (Marius) cum parva navicula pervectus in
Africam, quibus regna ipse dederat, ad eos inops supplexque venisset.
There can be no doubt that Marius fled to Hiempsal, not to Gauda. But it
has been pointed out that Cicero's expression is "ad eos," not "ad eum."
The plural probably refers to the whole "domus" of the monarch and would
include both Gauda and Hiempsal. See Biereye _Res Numidarum et
Maurorum_ p. 7.

[1193] Mauretania subsequently includes the region of Caesariensis, but
it has been thought probable that the territory of Sitifis on the east
was not added until the new settlement in 46 B.C. (Mommsen _Hist. of
Rome_ bk. iv. c. 4). The territory between the Muluccha and Saldae
might, therefore, have been added after the close of the war with
Jugurtha. See Mueller _Numismatique de l'Afrique_. p. 4; Mommsen l.c.;
Goebel _Die Westkueste Afrikas im Altertum_ p. 93; Biereye op. cit. p. 6.
It is very questionable whether the limits of the Roman province were
in any way extended at the expense of Numidia. Such additions as Vaga
and Sicca probably belong to the settlement of 46 B.C. See Tissot
_Geogr. comp_. ii. pp. 21 foll. It has sometimes been thought that the
attachment of Leptis Magna to Rome (p. 429) was permanent (Wilmanns in
C.I.L. viii. p. 2) and that Tripolis became a part of the Roman
province (Marquardt _Staatsverw_. i. p. 465), but Tissot (op. cit. ii.
p. 22) believes that Leptis remained a free city.

[1194] Sall. _Jug_. 114. 3; Liv. _Ep_. lxvii; C.I.L. i. n. xxxiii p. 290
Eum (Jugurtham) cepit et triumphans in secundo consulatu ante currum
suum duci jussit ... veste triumphali calceis patriciis [? _in senatum
venit_]. It is questionable, however, whether the last words of this
Arretine inscription (words which do not immediately follow the account
of the Numidian triumph) can be brought into connection with the story
told by Plutarch (_Mar_. 12) that Marius, either through forgetfulness
or clumsiness, entered the senate in his triumphal dress. They seem to
refer to some special honours conferred after the defeat of the Germanic
tribes. It is possible that the conferment of this honour gave rise to
the malicious story, which became not only distorted but misplaced.

[1195] Plut. _Mar_. 12.

[1196] Ihne _Roem. Gesch_. v. p. 164 Wo dem Sohn des Suedens der
Schmerzenschrei entfuhr.

[1197] Plut. _Mar_. 12. The epitomator of Livy (lxvii.) says in carcere
necatus est. The word _necatus_ is quite consistent with a death such as
that described by Plutarch. See Festus, pp. 162, 178.

[1198] Plut. l.c.

[1199] Plut. _Mar_. 10.

[1200] Plut. _Sulla_ 4.

[1201] Plut. _Mar_. 10; _Sulla_ 3.

[1202] Plut. _Sulla_ 6.

[1203] Ancient writers derive the name from _serere_ and connect it with
a story of the family of the Reguli (Plin. _Hist. Nat_. xviii. 3, 20;
Verg. _Aen_. vi. 844; Val. Max. iv. 4. 5). But the name appears on coins
as "Saranus" (Eckhel v. p. 146). It seems, however, to be true that the
name was borne by, or applied to, C. Atilius Regulus, the consul of 257
B.C. See Klebs in Pauly-Wissowa R. E. p. 2095.

[1204] Cic. _pro Planc_. 5. 12.

[1205] In the movement connected with the proceedings of Saturninus in
100 B.C. (Cic. _pro Rab_. 7. 21).

[1206] Eutrop. iv. 27; Val. Max. vi. 9. 13; _Fast. triumph_.

[1207] Yet no very recent cases _repetundarum_ are known. The last seems
to have been the accusation of M. Valerius Messala (Gell. xv. 14). About
this time C. Flavius Fimbria was accused by M. Gratidius and acquitted
in spite of the hostile evidence of M. Aemilius Scaurus (Cic. _pro
Font_. 11. 24; _Brut_. 45. 168; Val. Max. viii. 5. 2; Rein
_Criminalrecht_ p. 649); but even if, with Rein, we assign this case to
106 and not to a time later than Fimbria's consulship, the judiciary law
must have been prepared before the trial.

[1208] Cassiodor. _Chron_. Per Servilium Caepionem consulem judicia
equitibus et senatoribus communicata. Obsequens 101 (39) Per Caepionem
cos. senatorum et equitum judicia communicata.

[1209] Tac. _Ann_. xii. 60 Cum ... Serviliae leges senatui judicia
redderent.

[1210] Cic. _de Inv_. i. 49. 92 Offensum est quod corum qui audiunt
voluntatem laedit: ut si quis apud equites Romanos cupidos judicandi
Caepionis legem judiciariam laudet.

[1211] Pp. 135, 213.

[1212] Cic. _Brut_. 43, 161; _pro Cluent_. 51, 140.

[1213] Cic. _de Or_. ii. 59. 240, 66. 264. It is very probable that this
attack on Memmius belongs to the speech on the Servilian law.

[1214] Cic. _Brut_. 44. 164 Mihi (Ciceroni) quidem a pueritia quasi
magistra fuit, inquam, illa in legem Caepionis oratio.

[1215] Cassiod. _Chron_.; Obsequens 101 (39) (quoted p, 478).

[1216] Cicero, speaking in 70 B.C., says that the Equites had held the
courts for nearly fifty years, i.e. up to the date of the _lex
Cornelia_ of 81 B.C. (Cic. _in Verr_. Act. i. 13. 38).

[1217] [Cic.] _ad Herenn_. i. 15, 25, iv. 24. 34; _de Rep_. i. 3. 6;
_pro Balbo_ II. 28.

[1218] Cic. _de Orat_. iii. 8. 29; _Brut_. 35. 132.

[1219] Cicero, in speaking of the successive defeats of Catulus at the
polls, says Praeposuisse (populum Romanum) Q. Catulo, summa in familia
nato, sapientissimo et sanctissimo viro, non dico C. Serranum,
stultissimum hominem, (fuit enim tamen nobilis,) non C. Fimbriam, novum
hominem, (fuit enim et animi satis magni et consilii,) sed Cn. Mallium,
non solum ignobilem, verum sine virtute, sine ingenio, vita etiam
contempta ac sordida (_pro Planc_. 5. 12).

[1220] Val. Max. ii. 3. 2. The changes introduced into the military
system by Rutilius will be explained in the next chapter.

[1221] Ulp. in _Dig_. xxxviii. 2, i. i. Mommsen (_Staatsr_. iii. p. 433)
thinks that the consul of 105 is the "praetor Rutilius" of
Ulpian's account.

[1222] Gaius iv, 35 (Praetor Publius Rutilius), qui et bonorum
venditionem introduxisse dicitur. See Bethmann-Hollweg _Civilprozess_
ii. p. 671. Here again the consul of 105 is probably meant.

[1223] Cic. _Brut_. 30. 113, 114.

[1224] The disaster at Arausio took place on 6th October (Plut. _Luc_.
27). The consuls for the next year may not yet have been elected, as
there was at this time no fixed date for the consular Comitia. Cf.
p. 364 and see Sall. _Jug_. 114.

[1225] Cic. _Brut_. 34. 129; _de Orat_. ii. 22. 91.

[1226] Liv. _Ep_. lvi. (see the next note). For the probable date of
this enactment (151 B.C.) see Mommsen _Staatsrecht_ i. p. 521.

[1227] Liv. _Ep_. lvi Cum bellum Numantinum vitio ducum non sine pudore
publico duraret, delatus est ultro Scipioni Africano a senatu populoque
Romano consulatus; quem cum illi capere ob legem, quae vetabat quemquam
iterum consulem fieri, non liceret, sicut priori consulatu, legibus
solutus est.

[1228] Plut. _Mar_. 12 [Greek: _kai to deuteron hypatos apedeichthae,
tou men nomou koluontos aponta kai mae dialiponta chronon horismenon
authis aireisthai, tou de daemou tous antilegontas ekbalontos_.]
Plutarch adds that the people recalled the dispensation granted to
Scipio when the annihilation of the Carthaginian power was planned.
This is perhaps a mistaken reference to the dispensation granted to
Scipio in the Numantine war. See Liv. _Ep_. lvi. (quoted in the last
note); Cic. _pro Leg. Man_. 20. 60 and Mommsen _Staatsr_. l.c. As to
the irregularity involved in Marius's absence, it is questionable
whether Plutarch is right in supposing that a personal _professio_ was
required at this time. See Mommsen _Staatsr_. i. p. 504. Possibly the
irregularity consisted in the fact that there had been no formal
candidature at all. Other references to this election of Marius are to
be found in Sall. _Jug_. 114; Vellei. ii. 12; Liv. _Ep_. lxvii.

[1229] Sall. _Jug_. 114, Marius consul absens factus est, et ei decreta
provincia Gallia.