A History of Roman Literature by Charles Thomas Cruttwell
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Charles Thomas Cruttwell >> A History of Roman Literature
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[38] He must have had some real beauties, else Theocritus (vii. 40) would
hardly praise him so highly: "_ou gar po kat' emdn noon oude ton eslon
Sikelidan nikemi ton ek Samo oude Philetan Aeidon, batrachos de pot
akridat hos tis erisdo_."
[39] Even an epic poem was, if it extended to any length, now considered
tedious; _Epyllia_, or miniature epics, in one, two, or three books,
became the fashion.
[40] Others assign the poem which has come down to us to Germanicus the
father of Caligula, perhaps with better reason.
[41] Cic. De Or. xvi. 69.
[42] Ovid (Amor. i, 15, 16) expresses the high estimate of Aratus common
in his day: _Nulla Sophocleo veniet iactura cothurno. Cum sole et luna
semper Aratus erit_. He was not, strictly speaking, an Alexandrine, as he
lived at the court of Antigonus in Macedonia; but he represents the same
school of thought.
[43] They are generally mentioned together. Prop IV. i. 1, &c.
[44] Nothing can show this more strikingly than the fact that the Puritan
Milton introduces the loves of Adam and Eve in the central part of his
poem.
[45] The _Cantores Euphorionis_ and despisers of Ennius, with whom Cicero
was greatly wroth. Alluding to them he says:--_Ita belle nobis_ "Flavit ab
Epiro lenissimus Onchesmites." _Hunc spondeiazonta si cui vis to neoteron
pro tuo vendita_. Ad. Att. vii, 2, 1.
[46] The reader is referred to the introductory chapter of Sellar's _Roman
poets of the Republic_, where this passage is quoted.
[47] The reader is again referred to the preface to Munro's _Lucretius_.
[48] _Quem tu, dea, tempore in omni Omnibus ornatum voluisti excellere
rebus_.
[49] i, 41.
[50] Ep. ad Q. Fr. ii. 11. It seems best to read _multis ingenii luminibus
non multae tamen artis_ than to put the _non_ before _multis_. The
original text has no _non_; if we keep to that, _tamen_ will mean _and
even_.
[51] Lucr. had a great veneration for his genius, see ii. 723: _Quae_
(Sicilia) _nil hoc habuisse viro praeclarius in se Nec sanctum magis et
mirum carumque videtur. Carmina quinctiam divini pectoris eius
Vociferantur, et exponunt praeclara reperta, Ut vix humana videatur stirpe
creatus_.
[52] In his treatise _de Poetica_ he calls him _physiologon mallon i
poiaeten_.
[53] A French writer justly says "_L'utilite c'est le principe createur de
la litterature romaine_."
[54] Some one has observed that the martial imagery of Lucretius is taken
from the old warfare of the Punic wars, not from that of his own time. He
speaks of elephants, of Scipio and Hannibal, as if they were the heroes
most present to his mind.
[55] The _eros philosuphus_, so beautifully described by Plato in the
_Symposium_.
[56] A Scotch acquaintance of the writer's when asked to define a certain
type of theology, replied, "An interminable argument."
[57] Philetas wore himself to a shadow by striving to solve the sophistic
riddle of the "Liar." His epitaph alludes to this: _Xeine, Philaetas eimi,
logon d' o pseudomenos me olese kai nukton phrontides esperioi_.
[58] iii. 3. "Te sequor, o Graiae gentis decus!"
[59] v. 8, where, though the words are general, the reference is to
Epicurus.
[60] By Sulla, 84 B.C.
[61] He defined it as a _leia kinaesis_, or smooth gentle motion of the
atoms which compose the soul.
[62] The doctrine of inherited aptitudes is a great advance on the ancient
statement of this theory, inasmuch as it partly gets rid of the
inconsistency of regarding the senses as the fountains of knowledge while
admitting the inconceivability of their cognising the ultimate
constituents of matter.
[63] Prof. Maudesley's books are a good example.
[64] _Dux vitae, dia voluptas_ (ii. 171). So the invocation to Venus with
which the poem opens.
[65] As where he invokes Venus, describes the mother of the gods, or
deifies the founder of true wisdom.
[66] _Nec sum animi dubius Graiorum obscura reperta Difficile inlustrare
Latinis versibus esse; Multa novis verbis praesertim cum sit agendum
Propter egestatem linguae et rerum novitatem_ (i. 130).
[67] i. 75.
[68] Lu. i. 56-95.
[69] Ib. i. 710-735; iii. 1-30.
[70] Ib. i. 912-941.
[71] Ib. ii. 1-60.
[72] Ib. ii. 354-366.
[73] Ib. iii. 1036 _sqq._
[74] Ib. i. 32-40.
[75] Contrast him with Manilius, or with Ovid in the last book of the
_Metamorphoses_, or with the author of _Etna_. The difference is immense.
[76] Lu. ii. 371.
[77] Ib. v. 18.
[78] Ib. Ib. v. 3.
[79] Ib. _apatheia_.
[80] Ib. v. 1201, _sqq._
[81] The passage in which they are described is perhaps the most beautiful
in Latin poetry, iii. 18, _sqq._ Cf. ii. 644.
[82] _E.g. omoiomepeia_, and various terms of endearment, iv. 1154-63.
[83] S. i. 10.
[84] _E.g._ frequently in Juvenal.
[85] _E.g. terrai frugiferai: lumina sis oculis: indugredi, volta,
vacefit, facie are_ on the analogy of Ennius's _cere comminuit brum,
salsae lacrimae_, &c.
[86] See Appendix.
[87] Besides the passages quoted or referred to, the following throw light
upon his opinions or genius. The introduction (i. 1-55), the attack on
mythology (ii, 161-181, 591-650); that on the fear of death (iii. 943-
983), the account of the progress of the arts (v. 1358-1408), and the
recommendation of a calm mind (v. 56-77).
[88] _E.g. quocirca, quandoquidem, id ita esse, quod superest, Huc accedit
ut_, &c.
[89] Lu. i. 914.
[90] Qu. x. 1, 87.
[91] Ov. Am. i. 15, 23; Stat. Silv. ii. 7, 76.
[92] Hor. _Deos didici securum agere aerom_, S. i. v. 101.
[93] Georg. ii. 490. Connington in his edition of Virgil, points out
hundreds of imitations of his diction.
[94] Tac. Ann. lv. 34.
[95] We cannot certainly gather that Furius was alive when Horace wrote
Sat. ii. 5, 40,
"Furius hibernas cana nive conspuit Alpes."
[96] S. i. x. 36.
[97] See Virg. Aen. iv. 585; xii. 228; xi. 73l.
[98] Hor. S. i. x. 46, _experto frustra Varrone Atacino_.
[99] Ov. Am. i. xv. 21; Ep. ex. Pont. iv. xvi. 21.
[100] Qu. x. 1, 87.
[101] Trist. ii. 439. For some specimens of his manner see App. to chap.
i. note 3.
[102] Ecl. ix. 35.
[103] Told by Ovid (_Metam._ bk. x.).
[104] Cat. xc. 1.
[105] Cic. (_Brut._) lxxxii. 283.
[106] _Romae vivimus; illa domus_, lxviii. 34.
[107] See. C. xxxi.
[108] C. xxv.
[109] C. i.
[110] C. xlix.
[111] C. xciii. lvii. xxix.
[112] What a different character does this reveal from that of the
Augustan poets! Compare the sentiment in C. xcii.:
"Nil nimium studeo Caesar tibi velle placere
Nec scire utrum sis albus an ater homo."
[113] For the character of Clodia, see Cic. pro Cael. _passim_; and for
her criminal passion for her brother, compare Cat. lxxix., which is only
intelligible if so understood. Cf. also lviii. xci. lxxvi.
[114] The beautiful and pathetic poem (C. lxxvi.) in which he expresses
his longing for peace of mind suggests this remark.
[115] C. lxv. and lxviii.
[116] C. xxxi.
[117] Compare, however, Lucr. iii. 606-8.
[118] C. vi. 15, _quicquid habes boni malique Die nobis_.
[119] See xix. 5-9, and lxxvi.
[120] Especially in the Attis.
[121] Ov. Amor. iii. 9, 62, _docte Catulle_. So Mart. viii. 73, 8. Perhaps
satirically alluded to by Horace, _simius iste Nil praeter Calvum et_
doctus _cantare Catullum_. S. I. x.
[122] The first foot may be a spondee, a trochee, or an iambus. The
licence is regarded as _duriusculum_ by Pliny the Elder. But in this case
freedom suited the Roman treatment of the metre better than strictness.
[123] A trimeter iambic line with a spondee in the last place, which must
always be preceded by an iambus, _e.g. Miser Catulle desinas ineptire._
[124] _E.g._ in C. lxxxiv. (12 lines) there is not a single dissyllabic
ending. In one place we have _dictaque factaque sunt_. I think Martial
also has _hoc scio, non amo te_. The best instance of continuous narration
in this metre is lxvi. 105-30, _Quo tibi tum--conciliata viro_, a very
sonorous passage.
[125] _E.g. Perfecta exigitur | una amicitia_ (see Ellis. Catull.
Prolog.), and _Iupiter ut Chalybum | omne genus percut_, which is in
accord with old Roman usage, and is modelled on Callimachus's _Zeu kater,
os chalybon pan apoloito genos_.
[126] This has been alluded to under Aratus. As a specimen of Catullus's
style of translation, we append two lines, _Hae me Konon eblepsen en aeri
ton Berenikaes bostruchon on keinae pasin ethaeke theois_ of translation,
we append two lines, which are thus rendered, _Idem me ille Conon_
caelesti munere _vidit E Bereniceo vertice caesariem_ Fulgenlem clare,
_quam multis illa deorum_ Levia protendens brachia _pollicitaest_. The
additions are characteristic.
[127] clxviii.
[128] Ca. clxi: lxii.
[129] The conceit in v. 63, 64, must surely be Greek.
[130] _Epullion_.
[131] C. 68.
[132] See Ellis, _Cat. Prolegomena_.
PART II.
CHAPTER I.
[1] Tibullus was, however, a Roman knight.
[2] O. ii. 7, 10. _Tecum Philippos et celerem fugam Sensi relicta non bene
parmula._
[3] G. ii. 486. _Flumina amem silvasque inglorius._
[4] i. 57. _Non ego laudari curo mea Delia: tecum Dummodo sim, quaeso,
segnis inersque vocer._
[5] Pr. i. 6,29. _Non ego sum laudi, non natus idoneus armis._
[6] The lack of patrons becomes a standing apology in later times for the
poverty of literary production.
[7] Pollio, however, stands on a somewhat different footing. In his
cultivation of rhetoric he must be classed with the imperial writers.
[8] Dis te minorem quod geris imperas, 0. iii. 6, 5.
[9] Cicero was Augur. Admission to this office was one of the great
objects of his ambition.
[10] Od. iii. 24, 33.
[11] C. S. 57; O. iv. 5, 21.
[12] Ecl. i. 7.
[13] Ep. ii. 1, 16.
[14] Prop. iii. 4, 1; Ovid Tr. iii. 1, 78.
[15] This subject is discussed in an essay by Gaston Boissier in the first
volume of _La Religion romaine d'Auguste aux Antonins._
[16] _Tac. Ann_. i. 2, Ubi militem donis, populum annona, cunctos
dulcedine otii pellexit, insurgere paulatim, munia senatus magistratuum
legum in se trahere, nullo adversante, cum ferocissimi per acies aut
proscriptione cecidissent, ceteri nobilium, quanto quis servitio
promptior, opibus et honoribus extollerentur, ac novis ex rebus aucti tuta
et praesentia quam vetera et periculosa mallent.
[17] Cum divus Augustus sicut caetera eloquentiam pacaverat.--_De Causs.
Corr. Eloq._
[18] Pompon Dig. I. 2. 2.47 (quoted by Teuffel). Primus Divus Augustus,
_ut maior iuris auctoritas haberetur_, constituit ut ex auctoritate eius
responderent.
[19] _Odi profanum vulgus et arceo_ (Hor. Od. iii. 1, 1), _Parca dedit
malignum spernere vulgus_ (id. ii. 16, 39), _satis est equitem mihi
plaudere_ (Sat. I. x. 77), and often. So Ovid, Fast. I. _exordium_.
[20] See the pleasing description in the ninth Satire of Horace's first
book.
[21] Suet. Aug. 84. Tac. An. xiii. 3.
[22] _Tuque pedestribus Dices historiis praelia Caesaris Maecenas melius
ductaque per vias Regum colla minacium_ (Od. ii. 12, 9).
[23] Ep. 101, 11. I quote it to show what his sentiments were on a point
that touched a Roman nearly, the fear of death: _Debilem facito manu
debilem pede coxa: Tuber astrue gibberum, lubricos quate dentes: Vita dum
superest, bene est: hanc mihi vel acuta Si sedeam cruce sustine._
[24] He was so when Horace wrote his first book of Satires (x. 51). _Forte
epos acer lit nemo Varius ducit_.
[25] Often quoted as the poem _de Morte_.
[26] Sat. vi. 2.
[27] Ecl. viii. 5, 88, _procumbit in ulva Perdita, nec serae_, &c. Observe
how Virgil improves while he borrows.
[28] Aen. vi. 621, 2.
[29] Od. i. 61.
[30] So says the Schol. on Hor. Ep. I. xvi. 25.
[31] X. i. 98
[32] X. 3. 8.
[33] Ec. ix. 35.
[34] Virg. Ec. iii. 90; Hor. Epod. x.
[35] "_Cinna procacior_," Ov. Trist. ii. 435.
[36] _Saepe suas volucres legit mihi grandior aevo, Quaeque necet serpens,
quae iuvet herba Macer._ Trist. iv. 10, 43. Quint. (x. 1, 87) calls him
_humilis_.
CHAPTER II.
[1] See Sellar's _Virgil_, p. 107.
[2] _Pagus_ does not mean merely the village, but rather the village with
its surroundings as defined by the government survey, something like our
parish.
[3] _Mantua vae miseras nimium vicina Cremonae_, Ecl. 9. 27.
[4] In the celebrated passage _Felix qui potuit_, &c.
[5] Horace certainly did, and that in a more thorough manner than Virgil.
See his remark at the end of the _Iter ad Brundisium_, and other well-
known passages.
[6] Contrast the way in which he speaks of poetical studies, G. iv. 564,
_me dulcis alebat Parthenope studiis florentem ignobilis oti_, with the
language of his letter to Augustus (Macrob. i. 24, 11), _cum alia quoque
studia ad id opus multoque potiora_ (_i.e._ philosophy) _impertiar_.
[7] This is alluded to in a little poem (Catal. 10): "_Villula quae
Sironis eras et peuper agelle, Verum illi domino tu quoque divitiae: Me
tibi, et hos una mecum et quos semper amavi.... Commendo, in primisque
patrem; tu nunc eris illi Mantua quod fuerat, quodque Cremona prius._" We
observe the growing peculiarities of Virgil's style.
[8] See Hor. S. i. 5 and 10.
[9] Macrob. i. 24. See note, p. 5.
[10] As Horace. Od. I. iii. 4: "_Animae dimidium meae._" Cf. S. i. 5, 40.
[11] "_Namque pila lippis inimicum et ludere crudis._" Hor. S. i. v. 49.
[12] "_A penitissima Graecorum doctrina._" Macr. v. 22, 15.
[13] "_Gallo cuius amor tantum mihi crescit in horas
Quantum vere novo viridis se subiicit alnus._"
--Ecl. x. 73.
[14] The _Ciris_ and _Aetna_ formerly attributed to him are obviously
spurious.
[15] vi. and x.
[16] iii. iv.
[17] viii. ix.
[18] v. vii.
[19] Macrob. Sat. iii. 98, 19, calls Suevius _vir doctissimus_.
[20] "The original motive of the poem can only have been the idea that the
gnat could not rest in Hades, and therefore asked the shepherd whose life
it had saved, for a decent burial. But this very motive, without which the
whole poem loses its consistency, is wanting in the extant _Culex_."--
_Teuffel, R. L._ S 225, 1, 4.
[21] Its being edited separately from Virgil's works is thought by Teuffel
to indicate spuriousness. But there is good evidence for believing that
the poem accepted as Virgil's by Statius and Martial was our present
_Culex_. Teuffel thinks _they_ were mistaken, but that is a bold
conjecture.
[22] The missing the gist of the story, of which Teuffel complains, does
not seem to us worse than the glaring inconsistency at the end of the
sixth book of the Aeneid, where Aeneas is dismissed by the gate of the
false visions. That incident, whether ironical or not, is unquestionably
an artistic blunder, since it destroys the impression of truth on which
the justification of the book depends.
[23] For instance, v. 291, _Sed tu crudelis, crudelis tu magis Orpheu_
looks more like an imperfect anticipation than an imitation of _Improbus
ille puer crudelis tu quoque mater_. Again, v. 293, _parvum si Tartara
possent peccatum ignovisse_, is surely a feeble effort to say _scirent si
ignoscere Manes_, not a reproduction of it; v. 201, _Erebo cit equos Nox_
could hardly have been written after _ruit Oceano nox_. From an
examination of the similarities of diction, I should incline to regard
them as in nearly every case admitting naturally of this explanation. The
portraits of Tisiphone, the Heliades, Orpheus, and the tedious list of
heroes, Greek, Trojan, and Roman, who dwell in the shades, are difficult
to pronounce upon. They might be extremely bad copies, but it is simpler
to regard them as crude studies, unless indeed we suppose the versifier to
have introduced them with the express design of making the _Culex_ a good
imitation of a juvenile poem. Minute points which make for an early date
are _meritus_ (v. 209), cf. _fultus hyacintho_ (Ecl. 6); the rhythms
_cognitus utilitate manet_ (v. 65), _implacabilis ira nimis_, (v. 237);
the form _videreque_ (v. 304); the use of the pass. part. with acc. (v.
ii. 175); of alliteration (v. 122, 188); asyndeton (v. 178, 190);
juxtapositions like _revolubile volvens_ (v. 168); compounds like
_inevectus_ (v. 100, 340); all which are paralleled in Lucr. and Virg. but
hardly known in later poets. The chief feature which makes the other way
is the extreme rarity of elisions, which, as a rule, are frequent in Virg.
Here we have as many as twenty-two lines without elision. But we know that
Virgil became more archaic in his style as he grew older.
[24] _Molle atque facetum Virgilio annuerunt guadentes rure camenae_.--
Sat. i. x. 40.
[25] _E.g. tutthon d' osson apothen_ becomes _procul tantum_; _panta d'
enalla genoito_ becomes _omnia vel medium fiant mare_, &c.
[26] Virgil as yet claims but a moderate degree of inspiration. _Me quoque
dicunt Vatem pastores: sed non ego credulus illis. Nam neque adhuc Vario
videor nec dicere Cinna Digna, sed argutos inter strepere anser olores_.
Ec. ix. 33.
[27] Ec. v. 45.
[28] In his preface to the Eclogues.
[29] Page 248. Cf. also _tua Maecenas haud mollia iussa_, G. iii. 41.
[30] _Ascraeumque cano Romana per oppida carmen_, G. ii. 176.
[31] The words _Ille_ ludere _quae vellum calamo permisit agresti_ (Ecl.
i. 10), might seem to contradict this, but the Eclogues were of a lighter
cast. He never speaks of the Georg. or Aen. as _lusus_. So Hor. (Ep. i. 1,
10), _versus et cetera ludicra pono_; referring to his odes.
[32] Hor. A. P. 218.
[33] See G. i. 500, _sqq._ where Augustus is regarded as the saviour of
the age.
[34] We have observed that except Lucretius all the great poets were from
the municipia or provinces.
[35] The tenth; imitated in Milton's _Lycidas_.
[36] In its form it reminds us of those _Epyllia_ which were such
favourite subjects with Callimachus, of which the _Peleus and Thetis_ is a
specimen.
[37] Said to have been uttered by Cicero on hearing the Eclogues read; the
_rima spes Romae_ being of course the orator himself. But the story,
however pretty, cannot be true, as Cicero died before the Eclogues were
composed.
[38] Hist. Lat. Lit. vol. iii.
[39] The most powerful are perhaps the description of a storm (G. i. 316,
_sqq._). of the cold winter of Scythia (G. iii. 339, _sqq._), and in a
slightly different way, of the old man of Cerycia (G. iv. 125, _sqq._).
[40] The _latis otia fundis_ so much coveted by Romans. These remarks are
scarcely true of Horace.
[41] Naples, Baiae, Pozzuoli, Pompeii, were the Brightons and Scarboroughs
of Rome. Luxurious ease was attainable there, but the country was only
given in a very artificial setting. It was almost like an artist painting
landscapes in his studio.
[42] G. ii. 486. The literary reminiscences with which Virgil associated
the most common realities have often been noted. Cranes are for him
_Strymonian_ because Homer so describes them. Dogs are _Amyclean_, because
the _Laco_ was a breed celebrated in Greek poetry. Italian warriors bend
_Cretan_ bows, &c.
[43] _Cum canerem reges et praelia Cynthius aurem Vellit, et admomuit
Pastorem Tityre, pingues Pascere oportet oves, deductum dicere carmen._
(E. vi. 3).
[44] _En erit unquam Ille dies tua cum liceat mihi dicere facta._ (E.
viii. 7).
[45] _Mox tamen ardentes accingar dicere pugnas Caesaris_, &c. (G. iii.
46). The Caesar is of course Augustus.
[46] This eagerness to have their exploits celebrated, though common to
all men, is, in its extreme development, peculiarly Roman. Witness the
importunity of Cicero to his friends, his epic on himself; and the ill-
concealed vanity of Augustus. We know not to how many poets he applied to
undertake a task which, after all, was never performed (except partially
by Varius).
[47] Except perhaps by Plato, who, with Sophocles, is the Greek writer
that most resembles Virgil.
[48] Virgil, like Milton, possesses the power of calling out beautiful
associations from proper names. The lists of sounding names in the seventh
and tenth Aeneids are striking instances of this faculty.
[49] It is true this law is represented as divine, not human; but the
principle is the same.
[50] Niebuhr, Lecture, 106.
[51] For example, Sallust at the commencement of his _Catiline_ regards it
as authoritative.
[52] Cf. Geor. ii. 140-176. Aen. i. 283-5; vi. 847-853; also ii. 291, 2;
432-4; vi. 837; xi. 281-292.
[53] _Loc. cit._
[54] Observe the care with which he has recorded the history and origin of
the Greek colonies in Italy. He seems to claim a right in them.
[55] This word, as Mr. Nettleship has shown in his Introduction to the
Study of Virgil, is used only of Turnus.
[56] xi. 336, _sqq_. But the character bears no resemblance to Cicero's.
[57] There are no doubt constant _rapports_ between Augustus and Aeneas,
between the unwillingness of Turnus to give up Lavinia, and that of Antony
to give up Cleopatra, &c. But it is a childish criticism which founds a
theory upon these.
[58] _ton katholon estin_, Arist. De Poet.
[59] "Urbis orbis."
[60] _Suggestions Introductory to the Study of the Aeneid_.
[61] The Greek heroic epithets _dios, kalos, agathos_, &c. primarily
significant of personal beauty, were transferred to the moral sphere. The
epithet _pius_ is altogether moral and religious, and has no physical
basis.
[62] _Pater ipse colendi; haud facilem esse viam voluit_, and often. The
name of Jupiter is in that poem reserved for the physical manifestations
of the great Power.
[63] The questions suggested by Venus's speech to Jupiter (Aen. 1, 229,
_sqq._) as compared with that of Jupiter himself (Aen. x. 104), are too
large to be discussed here. But the student is recommended to study them
carefully.
[64] Like Dante, he was held to be _Theologus nullius dogmatis expers_.
See Boissier, _Religion des Romains_, vol. i ch. iii. p. 260.
[65] Aen. xii. 882.
[66] Ib. xii. 192.
[67] See Macr. Sat. i. 24, 11.
[68] Boissier, from whom this is taken, adduces other instances. I quote
an interesting note of his (Rel. Rom. p. 261): "_Cependant, quelques
difficiles trouvaient que Virgile s'etait quelquefois trompe. On lui
reprochait d'avoir fait immoler par Enee un taureau a Jupiter quand il
s'arrete dans la Thrace et y fonde une ville, et selon Ateius Capito et
Labeon, les lumieres du droit pontifical, c'etait presqu'un sacrilege.
Voila donc, dit-on, votre pontife qui ignore ce que savent meme les
sacristains! Mais on peut repondre que precisement le sacrifice en
question n'est pas acceptable des dieux, et qu'ils forcent bientot Enee
par de presages redoutables, a s'eloigner de ce pays. Ainsi en supposant
que la science pontificale d'Enee soit en defaut, la reputation de Virgile
reste sans tache._"
[69] Aen. x. 288.
[70] "_Fierement dessine._" The expression is Chateaubriand's.
[71] xii. 468.
[72] The reader is referred to a book by M. de Bury, "_Les femmes du temps
d'Auguste_," where there are vivid sketches of Cleopatra, Livia, and
Julia.
[73] Aen. i. 402; ii. 589.
[74] A list of passages imitated from Latin poets is given in Macrob. Sat.
vi., which should be read.
[75] Such as _Latium_ from _latere_, (Aen. viii. 322), and others, some of
which may be from Varro or other philologians.
[76] A few instances are, the origin of _Ara Maxima_ (viii. 270), the
custom of veiled sacrifices (iii. 405), the _Troia sacra_ (v. 600), &c.
[77] The pledging of Aeneas by Dido (i. 729), the god Fortunus (v. 241).
[78] _E.g._ the allusion to the legendary origin of his narrative by the
preface _Dicitur, fertur_ (iv. 205; ix. 600).
[79] _E.g. olli, limus, porgite, pictai_, &c.: _mentem aminumque, teque
... tuo cum flumine sancto;_ again, _calido sanguine, geminas acies_, and
a thousand others. His alliteration and assonance have been noticed in a
former appendix.
CHAPTER III.
[1] In the consulship of L. Aurelius Cotta and L. Manlius Torquatus. "_O
nate mecum consule Manlio_," Od. III. xxi. 1; Epod xiii. 6.
[2] _Libertino patre natum_, Sat. I. vi. 46.
[3] _Natus dum ingenuus, ib._ v. 8.
[4] Sat. I. vi. 86.
[5] _Me fabulosae Vulture in Apulo_, &c.; Od. iii. 4, 9.
[6] Ep. II. i. 71.
[7] S. I. vi. 8.
[8] Juv. vii. 218.
[9] Sat. I. iv. 113.
[10] Ep. II. ii. 43.
[11] _Quae mihi pareret legio Romana tribuno_, Sat. I. vi, 48.
[12] _O saepe mecum tempus in ultimum deducte_, Od. II. vii. 1.
[13] Ib. 5.
[14] Ep. II. ii. 51.
[15] Sueton. Vit. Hor.; cf. Sat. II. vi. 37, _De re communi scribae te
orabant ...reverti_.
[16] Ep. ii. 2, 51.
[17] S. I. vi. 55.
[18] _Iubesque esse in amicorum numero_.--Ib. This expression is
important, since many scholars have found a difficulty in Horace's
accompanying Maecenas so soon after his accession to his circle, and have
supposed that Sat. I. v. refers to another expedition to Brundisium,
undertaken two years later. This is precluded, however, by the mention of
Cocceius Nerva.
[19] S. ii. 3. 11.
[20] Ep. I. vi. 16.
[21] _Nullius addictus iurare in verba magistri_, Ep. I. i. 14.
[22] S. I. ii. 25.
[23] Suet. Vit. Hor. Fragments of four letters are preserved. One to
Maecenas, "_Ante ipse sufficiebam scribendis epistolis amicorum; nunc
occupatissimus et infirmus, Horatium nostrum te cupio adducere. Veniet
igiur ab ista parasitica mensa ad hanc regiam, et nos in epistolis
scribendis adiuvabit_." Observe the future tense, the confidence that his
wish will not be disputed. He received to his surprise the poet's refusal,
but to his credit did not take it amiss. He wrote to him, "_Sume tibi
aliquid iuris apud me, tanquam si convictor mihi fueris; quoniam id usus
mihi tecum esse volui, si per valetudinem tuam fieri potuisset_." And
somewhat later, "_Tui qualem habeam memoriam poteris ex Septimio quoque
nostro audire; nam incidit, ut illo coram fieret a me tui mentio. Neque
enim, si tu superbus amicitiam nostram sprevisti, ideo nos quoque
anthuperphronoumen_." The fourth fragment is the one translated in the
text.
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