A History of Roman Literature by Charles Thomas Cruttwell
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Charles Thomas Cruttwell >> A History of Roman Literature
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[24] _Quem rodunt omnes ... quia sum tibi, Maecenas, convictor_, S. I. vi.
46. Contrast his tone, Ep. I. xix. 19, 20; Od. iv. 3.
[25] Sat. I. ix.
[26] Sat. II. vi. 30, _sqq._
[27] S. II. vi. 1.
[28] O. II. xviii. 14; III. xvi. 28, _sqq._
[29] The year in which he received the Sabine farm is disputed. Some
(_e.g._ Grotefend) date it as far back as 33 B.C.; others, with more
probability, about 31 B.C.
[30] They were probably published simultaneously in 23 B.C. If we take the
earlier date for his possession of the Sabine farm, he will have been
nearly ten years preparing them.
[31] Ep. I. ix.
[32] Ep. I. xvii. and xviii.
[33] Ep. I. xiv.
[34] The first seven stanzas of IV. 6, with the prelude (III. i. 1-4), are
supposed to have been sung on the first day; I. 21 on the second; and on
the third the C. S. followed by IV. vi. 28-44.
[35] See p.38.
[36] C. xxxii.
[37] Od. IV. 4.
[38] Ep. I. i. 10.
[39] Ep. I. xx.
[40] Od. II. xvii. 5.
[41] _E.g._ the infamous Sextus Menas who is attacked in Ep. 4.
[42] Epod. 5 and 17, and Sat. I. viii.
[43] Epod. viii. xii.; Od. iv. xiii.
[44] The sorceresses or fortune-tellers. Some have without any authority
supposed her to have been a mistress of the poet's, whose real name was
Gratidia, and with whom he quarrelled.
[45] I. xxxv.
[46] II. xvii.
[47] Cf. _Troiae renascens alite lugubri..._ with _Occidit occideritque
sinas cum nomine Troia_. In both cases Juno is supposed to utter the
sentiment. This can hardly be mere accident.
[48] Ep. I. i. 33, _Fervet avaritia miseroque cupidine pectus; Sunt verba
et voces quibus hunc lenire dolorem Possis._
[49] Od. I. xii. 17.
[50] Od. I. ii. 43.
[51] Od. IV. v. 1.
[52] Od. III. iii. 9.
[53] Ep. II. i. 15.
[54] The best instance is Od. III. vi. 45, where it is expressed with
singular brevity.
[55] Od. I. xi. among many others.
[56] A. P. 391, _sqq._; S. I. iii. 99.
[56] Ep. I. iv. and ii. 55.
[57] _E.g. laborum decepitur_, Od. II. xiii. 38. The reader will find them
all in Macleane's _Horace_.
[58] The most extraordinary instance of this is Od. IV. iv. 17, where in
the very midst of an exalted passage, he drags in the following most
inappropriate digression--_Quibus Mos unde deductus per omne Tempus
Amazonia securi Dextras obarmet quaerere distuli, Nec scire fas est
omnia._ Many critics, intolerant of the blot, remove it altogether,
disregarding MS. authority.
[59] _Ego apis Matinae more modoque_ ... operosa _parvus carmina fingo_,
Od. IV. ii. 31.
[60] Od. IV. iv. 33.
[61] Od. III. iii. 17.
[62] Od. III. xxviii.
[63] Od. III. xi.
[64] Od. III. ix.
[65] _I.e._ the hall where rhetorical exhibitions were given.
[66] _Nisi quod pede certo differt sermoni, sermo merus_, S. I. iv. So the
title _sermones_.
[67] We learn this from the life by Suetonius.
[68] _E.g. invideor, imperor, se impediat_ (S. I. x. 10) = impediatur;
_amphora coepit institui_ for _coepta est_. Others might easily be
collected.
[69] S. I. iv. 10; S. II. i. in great part.
[70] S. L. iv 60, _Postquam Discordia tetra Belli ferratos postes
portasque refregit_. These are also imitated by Virgil; but they do not
appear to show any particular beauty.
[71] S. I. v. 101; Ep. I. iv. 16.
[72] _Neque simius iste Nil praeter Calvum et doctus cantare Catullum_ (S.
I. x. 19). I cannot agree with Mr. Martin (_Horace for English Readers_.
p. 57), who thinks the allusion not meant to be umcomplimentary.
[73] _Parios iambos_ has been ingeniously explained to mean the epode,
_i.e._ the iambic followed by a shorter line in the same or a different
rhythm, _e.g. pater Lukamba poion ephraso tode; ti sas paraeeire phrenas_;
but it seems more natural to give _Parios_ the ordinary sense. Cf.
_Archilochum proprio rabies armavit iambo_, A. P. 79.
[74] Ep. I. xix. 24.
[75] S. i. 118, _Omne vafer vitium ridenti Flaccus amico Tangit, et
admissus circum praecordia ludit, Callidus excusso populum suspendere
naso_.
[76] Tib. IV. i. 179, _Est tibi qui possit magnis se accingere rebus
Valgius: aeterno propior non alter Homero_.
[77] Od. II. ix. 19.
[78] Quint. III. i. 18. Unger, quoted by Teuffel, S 236, conjectures that
for _Nicandrum frustra secuti Macer atque_ Virgilius, we should read
_Valgius_, in Quint. X. i. 56.
[79] Sat. I. ix. 61.
[80] _Arguta meretrice potes Davoque Chremeque Eludente senem comis
garrire libellas Unus vivorum, Fundani_. After all, this praise is
equivocal.
[81] _Pindarici fontis qui non expalluit haustus.... An tragica desaevit
et ampullatur in arte?_ Ep. I. iii. 10.
[82] Ep. I. viii. 2.
[83] Ep. I. iii. 15.
[84] Od. IV. ii. 2.
[85] Od. iv. ii. 2, quoted by Teuffel.
[86] Od. I. xxxiii.; Ep. I. iv.
CHAPTER IV.
[1] _E.g._ In the first 100 lines of the _Remedium Amoris_, a long
continuous treatise, there is only one couplet where the syntax is carried
continuously through, v. 57, 8, _Nec moriens Dido summa vidisset ab arce
Dardanias vento vela dedisse rates_, and even here the pentameter forms a
clause by itself. Contrast the treatment of Catullus (lxvi. 104-115) where
the sense, rhythm, and syntax are connected together for twelve lines. The
same applies to the opening verses of Virgil's _Copa_. Tate's little
treatise on the elegiac couplet correctly analyses the formal side of
Ovid's versification. As instances of the relation, of the elegiac to the
hexameter--iteration (Her. xiii. 167), _Aucupor in lecto mendaces caelibe
somnos; Dum careo veris gaudia falsa iuvant_: variation (Her. xiv. 5),
_Quod manus extimuit iugulo demittere ferrum Sum rea: laudarer si scelus
ausa forem_: expansion (id. 1), _Mittit Hypermnestra de tot modo fratribus
una: Cetera nuptarum crimine turba iacet_: condensation (Her. xiii. 1),
_Mittit et optat amans quo mittitur ire salutem, Haemonis Haemonio
Laodamia viro_: antithesis (Am. I. ix. 3), _Quae bello est habilis veneri
quoque convenit aetas; Turpe senex miles turpe senilis amor_. These
illustrations might be indefinitely increased, and the analysis carried
much further. But the student will pursue it with ease for himself.
Compare ch. ii. app. note 3.
[2] Ecl. x. 2.
[3] Two Greek Epigrams (Anthol. Gr. ii. p. 93) are assigned to him by
Jacobs (Teuffel).
[4] Quint. x. 1, 93.
[5] Mart. iv. 29, 7.
[6] Id. vii. 29, 8.
[7] v. 17, 18.
[8] Tr. II. x. 6.
[9] El. I. i. 19.
[10] Ep. I. iv. 7.
[11] _Prisca iuvent alios: ego me nunc denique natum Gratulor: haec aetas
moribus apta meis_ (A. A. iii. 121). Ovid is unquestionably right.
[12] Od. I. xxxiii. 2.
[13] El. I. 7; II. 1. Tibullus turns from battle scenes with relief to the
quiet joys of the country.
[14] Others read _Plautia_, but without cause.
[15] El. ii. 21.
[16] Ib. i. 57.
[17] Ib. ii. 1.
[18] _Albi, nostrorum sermonum_ candide _index_, Hor. Ep. I. iv.
[19] Ov. Am. III. ix. 32, implies that Delia and Nemesis were the two
successive mistresses of the poet.
[20] El. IV. ii. 11, 12, _urit ... urit_. Cf. G. i. 77, 78. Again,
_dulcissima furta_ (v. 7), _cape tura libens_ (id. 9); _Pone metum
Cerinthe_ (iv. 15), will at once recall familiar Virgilian cadences.
[21] Ib. IV. vi. 2; vii. 8.
[22] Ib. IV. viii. 5; x. 4.
[23] S. I. ix. 45.
[24] Ib. iv. 23, 24; v. 8, 1.
[25] Whatever may be thought of his identity with Horace's _bore_, and it
does not seem very probable, the passage, Ep. II. ii. 101, almost
certainly refers to him, and illustrates his love of vain praise.
[26] Merivale has noticed this in his eighth volume of the History of the
Romans.
[27] As instances of his powerful rhythm, we may select _Cum moribunda
niger clauderet ora liquor; Et graviora rependit iniquis pensa quasillis:
Non exorato stant adamante vias_; and many such pentameters as _Mundus
demissis institor in tunicis; Candida purpureis mixta papaveribus_.
[28] See El. I. ii. 15, _sqq._; I. iii. 1-8, &c.
[29] Ib. ii. 34, 61.
[30] El. iii. (iv.) 6 (7).
[31] Ib. v. (iv.) 7.
[32] Ib. iv. (iii.) 8 (9). Two or three other elegies are addressed to
him.
[33] iv. (iii.) 1, 3.
[34] On these see next chapter, p. 320.
[35] See Contr. ii. 11.
[36] Trist. I. ii. 77.
[37] So says the introduction; but it is of very doubtful authenticity.
[38] Am. II. i. 11.
[39] A. A. III. 346, _ignotum hoc aliis ille novavit opus_
[40] G. iii, 4, _sqq._
[41] These remarks apply equally to the Metamorphoses, and indeed to all
Ovid's works.
[42] Lex Papia-Poppaea.
[43] It is probable that the _Art of Love_ was published 3 B.C., the year
of Julia's exile.
[44] Some have, quite without due grounds, questioned the authenticity of
this fragment.
[45] Tac. De Or. xiii; Quint. X. i. 98.
[46] i. vii. 27.
[47] See the witty invocation to Venus, Bk. IV. init.
[48] F. ii. 8.
[49] The most beautiful portions are perhaps the following:--The Story of
Phaethon (ii. 1), the Golden Age (i. 89), Pyramus and Thisbe (iv. 55),
Baucis and Philemon, a rustic idyl (viii. 628), Narcissus at the Fountain
(iii. 407), The Cave of Sleep (xi. 592), Daedalus and Icarus (viii. 152),
Cephalus and Procris (vii. 661), The passion of Medea (vii. 11), from
which we may glean some idea of his tragedy.
[50] The chief passages bearing on it are, Tr. II. 103; III. v. 49; VI.
27; IV. x. 90. Pont, I. vi. 25; II. ix. 75; III. iii. 75.
[51] Such names as _Messala, Graecinus, Pompeius, Cotta, Fabius Maximus_,
occur in his Epistles.
[52] This continual dwelling on mythological allusions is sometimes quite
ludicrous, _e.g._, when he sees the Hellespont frozen over, his first
thought is, "Winter was the time for Leander to have gone to Hero; there
would have been no fear of drowning!"
[53] His abject flattery of Augustus hardly needs remark. It was becoming
the regular court language to address him as _Jupiter_ or _Tonans_; when
Virgil, at the very time that Octavius's hands were red with the
proscriptions, could call him a god (_semper erit Deus_), we cannot wonder
at Ovid fifty years later doing the same.
[54] _E.g._ 69-90.
[55] We may notice with regard to the _Ciris_ that it is very much in
Ovid's manner, though far inferior. I think it may be fixed with certainty
to a period succeeding the publication of the Metamorphoses. The address
to Messala, v. 54, is a mere blind. The goddess Sophia indicates a later
view than Ovid, but not necessarily post-Augustan. The goddess Crataeis
(from the eleventh Odyssey), v. 67, is a novelty. The frivolous and
pedantic object of the poem (to set right a confusion in the myths), makes
it possible that it was produced under the blighting government of
Tiberius. Its continual imitations make it almost a Virgilian _Cento_.
[56] Tac. Ann. vi. 18.
[57] Pont. IV. xvi.
[58] Am. II. xviii. 27.
[59] IV. xvi. 27.
[60] Quint. X. i. 89.
[61] _I.e._ that waged with Sextus Pompey.
[62] Suas. vi. 26.
[63] Pont. VI. xvi. 5.
[64] Pont. VI. xvi. 34.
[65] The name Faliscus is generally attached to him, but apparently
without any certain authority.
[66] I. 898.
[67] IV. 935.
[68] Ib. 764.
[69] V. 513.
[70] Manilius hints at the general dislike of Tiberius in one or two
obscure passages, _e.g._ I. 455; II. 290, 253; where the epithets _tortus,
pronus_, applied to Capricorn, which was Tiberius's star, hint at his
character and his disgrace. Cf. also, I. 926.
[71] De Or. I. 16.
[72] It may interest the reader to catalogue some of his peculiarities. We
find _admota moenibus arma_ (iv. 37), a phrase unknown to military
language; _ambiguus terrae_ (II. 231), _agiles metae Phoebi_ (I. 199) =
circum quas agiliter se vertit; _Solertia facit artes_ (I. 73) = invenit.
Attempts at brevity like _fallente solo_ (I. 240) = Soli declivitas nos
longitudine fallens; _Moenia ferens_ (I. 781) = muralem coronam;
inaequales Cyclades_ (iv. 637), _i.e._ ab inaequalibus procellis vexatae,
a reminiscence from Hor. (Od. II. ix. 3). Constructions verging on the
illegitimate, as _sciet, quae poena sequetur_ (iv. 210); _nota aperire
viam_, sc. sidera (I. 31); _Sibi nullo monstrante loquuntur Neptuno debere
genus_ (II. 223); _Suus_ for eius (IV. 885); _nostrumque parentem Pars sua
perspicimus_. The number might be indefinitely increased. See Jacob's full
index.
[73] These are worth reading. They are--I. 1-250, 483-539; II. 1-150,
722-970; III. 1-42; IV. 1-118 (the most elaborate of all), 866-935; V.
540-619, the account of Perseus and Andromeda.
[74] A hint borrowed from Plato's _Timaeus_.
[75] I. 246. An instance of a physical conclusion influencing moral or
political ones. The theory that seas separate countries has always gone
with a lack of progress, and _vice versa_.
[76] _Vis animae divina regit, sacroque meatu Conspirat deus et tacita
ratione gubernat_ (I. 250).
[77] Hyg. P. A, ii. 14.
[78] I. 458.
[79] II. 58.
[80] _Mundi Vates_, II. 148.
[81] _E.g._ that of spring, V. 652-668.
[82] _E.g._ the transitions _Nunc age_ (iii. 43), _Et quoniam dictum est_
(iii. 385); _Percipe_ (iv. 818), &c.; the frequent use of alliteration (i.
7, 52, 57, 59, 63, 84, 116, &c.); of asyndeton (i. 34; ii. 6);
polysyndeton (i. 99, _sqq._).
[83] _E.g. pedibus quid iungere certis_ (iii. 35).
[84] _E.g._ in those of Phaethon, and Perseus and Andromeda.
[85] _E.g. alia proseminat usus_ (i. 90); _inde species_ (ii. 155), &c.
[86] Facis ad (i. 10); caelum et (i.795); _conor et_ (in thesi. iii. 3);
pudent (iv. 403).
[87] _E.g._ clepsisset (i. 25); itiner (i. 88); compagine (i. 719); sorti
_abl_. (i. 813); audireque (ii 479).
[88] _E.g._ the plague so depopulated Athens that (ii. 891) _de tanto
quondam populo vix contigit heres!_ At the battle of Actium (ii. 916); _in
Ponto quaesitus rector Olympi!_
CHAPTER V.
[1] He was an adept in the _res culinaria_. Tac. An. vi. 7, bitterly notes
his degeneracy.
[2] _Haterii_ canorum illud et profluens cum ipso simul extinctum est,
Ann. iv. 61.
[3] The author of two books on figures of speech, an abridged translation
of the work of Gorgias, a contemporary Greek rhetorician.
[4] Seneca and Quintilian quote numerous other names, as _Passienus,
Pompeius, Silo, Papirius Flavianus, Alfius Flavus_, &c. The reader should
consult Teuffel, where all that is known of these worthies is given.
[5] The praenomen M. is often given to him, but without authority.
[6] Probably until 38 A.D.
[7] Contr. I. praef. ii.
[8] See Teuffel, S 264.
[9] His son speaks of his home as _antiqua et severa_.
[10] Caesar, it will be remembered, was greatly struck with the attention
given to the cultivation of the memory in the Druidical colleges of Gaul.
[11] Many of these facts are taken from Seeley's Livy, Bk. I. Oxford,
1871.
[12] L. Seneca (Epp. xvi. 5, 9) says: "_Scripsit enim et dialogos quos non
magis philosophiae annumeres quam historiae et ex professo philosophiam
continentes libros_." These half historical, half philosophical dialogues
may perhaps have resembled Cicero's dialogue _De Republica_: Hertz
supposes them to have been of the same character as the _logistopika_ of
Varro (Seeley, v. 18).
[13] Tac. Ann. iv. 34.
[14] Sen. N. Q.
[15] Plin. Ep. ii. 3.
[16] _Praef. ad Nat. Hist._
[17] De. Leg. i. 2. See also Book II. ch. iii. _init._
[18] _Maiorum quisquis primus fuit ille tuorum Aut pastor fuit aut illud
quod dicere nolo_, Sat. viii. _ult._
[19] _E.g._ III. 26. "When Cincinnatus was called to the dictatorship, he
was either digging or ploughing; authorities differed. All agreed in this,
that he was at some rustic work." Cf. iv. 12, and i. 24, where we have the
sets of opposing authorities, _utrumque traditur, auctores utroque
trahunt_ being appended.
[20] A contemporary of the Gracchi; very little is known of him.
[21] Quaestor, 203 B.C. He wrote in Greek. A Latin version by a
_Claudius_, whom some identify with Quadrigarius, is mentioned by
Plutarch.
[22] For these see back, Bk. I. ch. 9.
[23] See App. p. 103.
[24] _Fasti_.
[25] See p. 88.
[26] Liv. viii. 40, _Falsis imaginum titulis_.
[27] viii. 18, 1.
[28] ix. 44, 6.
[29] i. 7.
[30] ii. 40, 10.
[31] xxx. 45.
[32] i. 46; x. 9.
[33] xliii. 13.
[34] i. 16.
[35] i. 26.
[36] _E.g._, the consuls being both plebeian, the auspices are
unfavourable (xxiii. 31). Again, the senate is described as degrading
those who feared to return to Hannibal (xxiv. 18). Varro, a _novus homo_,
is chosen consul (xxii. 34).
[37] xxxvii. 39.
[38] xlii. 74.
[39] Cf. xlii 21; xliii. 10; xlv. 34.
[40] iv. 20, 5.
[41] viii. 11, _Haec etsi omnis divini humanique memoria abolevit nova
peregrinaque omnia priscis ac patriis praeferendo, haud ab re duxi verbis
quoque iosis ut tradita nuncupataque sunt referre_.
[42] _Sur Tite-Live_. The writer has been frequently indebted to this
clear and striking essay for examples of Livy's historical qualities.
[43] xxxviii. 17.
[44] v. 44.
[45] vii. 34.
[46] As the invective of the old centurion who had been scourged for debt
(ii. 23); Canuleius's speech on marriage (iv. 3); the admirable speech of
Ligustinus showing how the city drained her best blood (xlii. 34).
[47] We cannot refrain from quoting an excellent passage from Dr. Arnold
on the unreality of these cultivated harangues. Speaking of the sentiments
Livy puts into the mouth of the old Romans, he says "Doubtless the
character of the nobility and commons of Rome underwent as great changes
in the course of years as those which have taken place in our own country.
The Saxon thanes and franklins, the barons and knights of the fourteenth
century, the cavaliers and puritans of the seventeenth, the country
gentlemen and monied men of a still later period, all these have their own
characteristic features, which he who would really write a history of
England must labour to distinguish and to represent with spirit and
fidelity; nor would it be more ridiculous to paint the members of a
Wittenagemot in the costume of our present House of Commons than to
ascribe to them our habits of thinking, or the views, sentiments, and
language of a modern historian."
[48] The latter given by Seneca the elder, the former xxxix. 40.
[49] viii. 5.
[50] ii. 54, 5.
[51] xxx. 20.
[52] xxi. 10.
[53] i. 26, 10.
[54] _E.g. Haec ubi dicta dedit: ubi Mars est atrocissimus: stupens animi;
laeta pascua_, &c. (Teuffel).
[55] _Auctor e severissimis_, Plin. xi. 52, 275.
[56] The view that he flourished under Titus is altogether unworthy of
credit.
[57] See pref. to Book VI.
[58] II. pref. 5.
[59] Many of these facts are borrowed from the _Dict. Biog. s. v._
[60] Pref. to Book VII.
[61] Epist. ad Car. Magn. Praef. ad Paul. Diac.
[62] Tr. iii. 14, is perhaps addressed to him.
[63] S 257, 7.
[64] Ep. i. 19, 40.
BOOK III.
CHAPTER I.
[1] The Empire is here regarded solely in its influence on literature and
the classes that monopolised it. If the poor or the provincials had
written its history it would have been described in very different terms.
[2] _Pont._ iv. 2. Impetus ille sacer, qui vatum pectora nutrit Qui prius
in nobis esse solebat abest. Vix venit ad partes; vix sumtae Musa tabellae
Imponit pigras paene coacta manus.
[3] Suet. Tib. 70.
[4] Sat. vii. 234.
[5] Livy and Trogus.
[6] Varro.
[7] Cicero.
[8] Juv. vii. 197.
[9] See ii. 94 which contains exaggerated commendations on Tiberius.
[10] The author's humble estimate of himself appears, Si prisci oratores
ab Jove Opt. Max. bene orsi sunt ... mea parvitas eo iustius ad tuum
favorem decurrerit, quod cetera divinitas opinione colligitur, tua
praesenti fide paterno avitoque sideri par videtur ... Deos reliquos
accepimus, Caesarea dedimus.
[11] The reader is referred to Teuffel, _Rom. Lit._ S 274, 11.
[12] Daremberg.
[13] Notices of Celsus are--on his Husbandry, Quint. XII. xi. 24, Colum.
I. i. 14; on his Rhetoric, Quint. IX. i. 18, _et saep._; on his
Philosophy, Quint. X. i. 124; on his Tactics, Veget. i. 8. Celsus died in
the time of Nero, under whom he wrote one or two political works.
[14] See Sen. Contr. Praef. X. 2-4.
[15] Quint. X. i. 91.
[16] Mart. III. 20, _Aemulatur improbi iocos Phaedri_.
[17] Phaed. III. prol. 21.
[18] Phaed. IV. prol. 11; he carefully defines his fables as _Aesopiae_,
not _Aesopi_.
[19] Quint. X. i. 95.
CHAPTER II.
[1] Cal. 34.
[2] Suet. Claud. 41.
[3] Id.
[4] See p. 11.
[5] Sen. de. Tr. 14, 4.
[6] Nero had asked Cornutus's advice on a projected poem on Roman history
in 400 books. Cornutus replied, "No one, Sire, would read so long a work."
Nero reminded him that Chrysippus had written as many. "True!" said
Cornutus, "but _his_ books are useful to mankind."
[7] v. Suetonius's _Vita Persii_.
[8] Pers. v. 21.
[9] Ib. i. 12.
[10] "_Sed sum petulanti splene cachinno_," Pers. i. 10.
[11] Himself a lyric poet (Quint. X. i. 96) of some rank. He also wrote a
didactic poem, _De Metris_, of a similar character to that of Terentianus
Maurus. Persius died 62 A.D.
[12] _Vit. Pers._: this was before he had written the Pharsalia.
[13] Quint. X. i. 94.
[14] Mart. IV. xxix. 7.
[15] Pers. i. 96.
[16] _E.g._ i. 87, 103. Cf. v. 72.
[17] Pers. iii. 77.
[18] Ib. iv. 23.
[19] Ib. i. 116. The examples are from Nisard.
[20] Ep. ii. 1, 80.
[21] Pers. v. 103. Compare Lucan's use of _frons, nec frons erit ulla
senatus_, where it seems to mean boldness. In Persius it = shame.
[22] A. P. 102.
[23] Pers. i. 91. Compare ii. 10; i. 65. with Hor. S. II. vi. 10; II. vii.
87.
[24] Ib. i. 124.
[25] Ib. i. 59.
[26] Ib. v. 119.
[27] Ib. vi. 25.
[28] The accuracy of this story has been doubted, perhaps not without
reason. Nero's contests were held every five years. Lucan had gained the
prize in one for a laudation of Nero, 59 A.D.(?), and the one alluded to
in the text may have been 64 A.D. when Nero recited his _Troica_. Dio.
lxii. 29.
[29] Perhaps Phars. iii. 635. The incident is mentioned by Tac., Ann. xv.
70.
[30] Phars. i. 33.
[31] Ib. vii. 432.
[32] _I.e._ beyond the bounds of the Roman empire.
[33] Martial alludes to Quintilian's judgment when he makes the Pharsalia
say, _me criticus negat esse poema: Sed qui me vendit bibliopola putat_.
[34] Phars. v. 59.
[35] _Si libertatis Superis tam cura placent Quam vindicta placet_, Phars.
iv. 806.
[36] _Superum pudor_, Phars. viii. 597.
[37] Ib. 605.
[38] Ib. 665.
[39] Ib. 800.
[40] Ib. 869, _Tam mendax Magni tumulo quam Creta Tonantis_.
[41] Ib. ix. 143.
[42] Ib. i. 128.
[43] Phars. vii. 454.
[44] Est ergo flamen ut Iovi ... sic Divo Iulio M. Antonius. Cic. Phil.
ii.
[45] Nos te, Nos facimus Fortuna deam caeloque locamus, Juv. x. ult.
[46] Phars. v. 110, _sqq._
[47] Ib. vi. 420-830.
[48] Ib. ii. 1-15.
[49] Ib. v. 199.
[50] Ib. ii. 380.
[51] Ib. ix. 566-586. This speech contains several difficulties. In v. 567
the reading is uncertain. The MS. reads _An sit vita nihil, sed longam
differat aetas?_ which has been changed to _et longa? an differat actas?_
but the original reading might be thus translated, "Or whether life itself
is nothing, but the years we spend here do but put off a long (_i.e._ an
eternal) life?" This would refer to the Druidical theory, which seems to
have taken great hold on him, that life in reality begins after death. See
i. 457, _longae vitae Mors media est_, which exactly corresponds with the
sentiment in this passage, and exemplifies the same use of _longus_.
[52] Capit impia plebes Cespite patricio somnos, Phars. vii. 760.
[53] Vivant Galataeque, Syrique, Cappadoces, Gallique, extremique orbis
Iberi, Armenii, Cilices, nam post civilia bella Hic populus Romanus erit,
Ib. vii. 335. Compare Juv. iii. 60; vii. 15.
[54] Phars. i. 56.
[55] Ib. vii. 174.
[56] See the long list, ii. 525, and the admirable criticism of M. Nisard.
[57] Phars. iii. 538, _sqq._
[58] Ib. ix. 735.
[59] Of the seps Lucan says, Cyniphias inter pestes tibi palma nocendi
est; Eripiunt onmes animam, _tu sola cadaver_ (Phars. ix. 788).
[60] In allusion to the swelling caused by the _prester_, Non ausi tradere
busto, Nondum stante modo, _crescens fugere cadaver_! Of the _iaculus_, a
species which launched itself like an arrow at its victim, Deprensum est,
quae funda rotat, quam lenta volarent, quam segnis Scythicae strideret
arundinis aer.
[61] Phars. ix. 211.
[62] Ib. iv. 520.
[63] Silv. ii. 7, 54.
[64] Phars. v. 540.
[65] Ib. vi. 195.
[66] Phars. vii. 825.
[67] Ib. iv. 823.
[68] Ib iv. 185.
[69] The two passages are, Eumenidum veluti demens videt agmina Pentheus
Et solem geminum et duplices se ostendere Thebas; Aut Agamemdnonius
scaenis agitatus Orestes Armatum facibus matrem et squalentibus hydris cum
fugit, ultricesque sedent in limiue Dirae (Aen. iv. 469). Lucan's (Phars.
vii. 777), runs, Haud alios nondum Scythica purgatus in ara Emmenidum
vidit vultus Pelopeius Orestes: Nec magis attonitos animi sensere
tumultus, Cum fueret, Pentheus, aut cum desisset, Agave.
[70] Particularly that after the third foot, which is a feature in his
style (Phars. vii. 464), _Facturi qui monstra ferunt_. This mode of
closing a period occurs ten times more frequently than any other.
[71] I have collected a few instances where he imitates former poets:--
Lucretius (i. 72-80), Ovid (i. 67 and 288), Horace (v. 403), by a
characteristic epigram; Virgil in several places, the chief being i. 100,
though the phrase _belli mora_ is not Virgil's; ii. 32, 290, 408, 696;
iii. 234, 391, 440, 605; iv. 392; v. 313, 610; vi. 217, 454; vii. 467,
105, 512, 194; viii. 864; x. 873.
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