Memoirs, Correspondence and Manuscripts of General Lafayette by Lafayette

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Lord Cornwallis had demanded, in the capitulation, the permission of
marching out with drums beating and colours flying; the Count de
Rochambeau and the French officers were of opinion that this request
ought to be granted; the American generals did not oppose this idea;
Lafayette, recollecting that the same enemy had required General
Lincoln, at the capitulation of Charlestown, to furl the American
colours and not to play an English march, insisted strongly on using
the same measures with them in retaliation, and obtained that these two
precise conditions should be inserted in the capitulation. Lord
Cornwallis did not himself file out with the detachment. The Generals,
Washington, Rochambeau, and Lafayette, sent to present him their
compliments by their aides-de-camp. He retained Lafayette's
aide-de-camp, young George Washington, and told him that having made
this long campaign against General Lafayette, he wished, from the value
he annexed to that general's esteem, to give him a private account of
the motives which had obliged him to surrender. He told him several
things which have since been found in his discussion with General
Clinton. Lafayette went the next day to see him. "I know," said Lord
Cornwallis, "your humanity towards prisoners, and I recommend my poor
army to you." This recommendation was made in a tone which implied that
in Lafayette alone he felt real confidence, and placed but little in
the Americans. Lafayette therefore replied, "You know, my lord, that
the Americans have always been humane towards imprisoned armies;" in
allusion to the taking of General Burgoyne at Saratoga.~[12] The
English army was in fact treated with every possible mark of attention.

Although the French troops held in every respect the place of auxiliary
troops, yet the Americans always yielded them every preference in their
power relating to food or any other comfort. It is a singular
circumstance that when the troops of the~[13] the young general,
although a Frenchman, took upon himself to order that no flour should
be delivered to the American troops until the French had received their
full provision for three days. The Americans had therefore seldom any
thing but the flour of Indian corn. He gave the horses of the gentlemen
of that country to the French hussars, and the superior officers
themselves were obliged to give up theirs: yet not one murmur escaped
as to that preference, which the Americans felt ought to be shewn to
foreigners who came from such a distance to fight in their cause.~[14]

The news of the capture of Yorktown was carried to France by a French
frigate, who made the voyage in eighteen days. The English were thrown
into consternation at that news, which occasioned the downfall of the
ministry of Lord North. It was felt in London, as in the rest of all
Europe, that the decisive check the English had received, had
completely settled the final issue of the conflict, and from that
period nothing was thought of but to acknowledge the independence of
the United States on favourable terms for Great Britain.

Generals Washington and Lafayette wished to take advantage of the
superiority of the Count de Grasse in order to attack Charlestown, and
the English who remained in the southern states. Lafayette was to take
his light infantry, as well as the corps of St. Simon, and land on the
Charlestown side, to co-operate with General Greene, who still
commanded in Carolina. It is evident that this project would have been
successful. It has since become known that Lord Cornwallis, when he saw
Lafayette enter into a canoe to go on board the fleet of the Count de
Grasse, said to some English officers, "He is going to decide the loss
of Charlestown." But the admiral refused obstinately to make any
operation upon the coast of North America.~[15]

General Lafayette afterwards repaired to congress. To him, who was then
but four-and-twenty, the happy issue of that campaign was as flattering
a success as it had been decisive to the American cause. He received
the instructions of congress, in relation to the affairs of the United
States in Europe; and embarked at Boston in the frigate _the Alliance_.
He reached France in twenty-three days. The reception he met with, and
the credit he enjoyed both at court and in society were constantly and
usefully employed in the service of the cause he had embraced.

Footnotes:

1. These Memoirs are extracted from the American Biography of M. de
Lafayette, written by himself, which we have designated under the name
of Manuscript, No. 1. We have completed them by extracts of Manuscript,
No. 2, which contains observations on the historians of America.

2. It was settled that that corps of six thousand men, commanded by
Lieutenant-General Rochambeau, was to be completely under the orders of
the American commander-in-chief, and was only to form a division of his
army. The order of service was regulated in such a manner that the
French were only to be looked upon as auxiliaries, keeping the left of
the American troops, and the command belonging, when there was
equality, of rank and age, to the American officers. In a word, the
advantages to be derived by the government, the general, and the
American soldiers, were stipulated beforehand in such a manner as to
prevent all future discussions. (Manuscript, No. 2.)

3. Upon one of these banners a cannon was painted, with this device:
_Ultima ratio_, suppressing the word _regum_, which is used in Europe;
upon another, a crown of laurel united to a civic crown, with the
device--_No other_. And thus with the other emblems.--(Note de M.
de Lafayette.)

4. West Point, a fort on a tongue of land which advances upon the
Hudson, and governs its whole navigation, is such an important position
that it is called by an historian the Gibraltar of America. Arnold had
been entrusted with its command, and his treachery, if it had proved
successful, and been even attended with no other result but that of
yielding up this fort to the enemy, would have inflicted a deadly wound
upon the cause of the United States. He had entered, during eighteen
months, into a secret relation with Sir Henry Clinton, who confided the
whole charge of that affair to an aide-de-camp, Major Andre. Arnold
failed at an appointment for the first interview with Andre the 11th
September, at Dobb's Ferry. A second one was proposed on board the
sloop of war the _Vulture_, which Clinton sent for that purpose, on the
16th, to Teller's Point, about fifteen or twenty miles below West
Point. General Washington, who was repairing, with M. de Lafayette, to
the Hartford conference, crossed the Hudson the 18th, and saw Arnold,
who shewed him a letter from Colonel Robinson, on board the _Vulture_,
which stated that that officer requested a rendezvous with him to
converse upon some private affairs. Washington told him to refuse the
rendezvous. Arnold then made arrangements for a private interview.
Major Andre quitted New York, came on board the sloop, and from thence
proceeded, with a false passport, to Long Clove, where he saw Arnold,
the night of the 21st. They separated the next morning. Andre, on his
return to New York, was taken at Tarry Town, by three of the militia,
and conducted to the post of North Castle, commanded by
Lieutenant-Colonel Jameson, who gave notice of this event, on the 23d,
to his superior officer, General Arnold. The latter received the letter
on the 25th, the same day on which he expected General Washington on
his return from Hartford. He fled immediately; a few minutes after the
general-in-chief arrived, and he received, only four hours later, the
despatches which apprised him of the plot--(Washington's, Writings,
vol. vii. Appendix No. 7.) and Mac-Henry, lieutenant-colonels, the one
aid-de-camp to Washington, the other to Lafayette, had gone on before
to request Mrs. Arnold not to wait breakfast for them. They were still
there, and Arnold with them, when he received the note: he turned pale,
retired to his own room, and sent for his wife, who fainted. In that
state he left her, without any one perceiving it: he did not return
into the drawing room, but got upon his aide-de-camp's horse, which was
ready saddled at the door, and desiring him to inform the general that
he would wait for him at West Point, hurried to the bank of the river,
got into his canoe, and was rowed to the _Vulture_. The general, when
he learnt on his arrival that Arnold was at West Point, fancied that he
had gone to prepare for his reception there, and without entering into
the house, stepped into a boat with the two generals who accompanied
him. When they arrived at the opposite shore, they were astonished at
finding they were not expected: the mystery was only explained on their
return, because the despatches of Lieutenant-Colonel Jameson had
arrived in the interim.

An historian has spoken of the generosity with. which Mrs. Arnold was
treated. It is, in truth, highly honourable to the American character
that, during the first effervescence of indignation against her
husband, she was able to go to Philadelphia, take her effects, and
proceed with a flag of truce to New York, without meeting with the
slightest insult. The same historian (Mr. Marshall) might have added
that, the very evening of Arnold's evasion, the general, having
received from him a very insolent letter, dated on board the _Vulture_,
ordered one of his aides-de-camp to tell Mrs. Arnold, who was in an
agony of terror, that he had done everything he could to seize her
husband, but that, not having been able to do so, he felt pleasure in
informing her that her husband was safe.~[5]

5. General Arnold is the only American officer who ever thought of
making use of his command to increase the fortune. The
disinterestedness of those soldiers, during a period of revolution,
which facilitates abuses, forms a singular contrast with the reproach
of avidity that other governments, who have not shown the same
moderation themselves, have thought proper to make against the citizens
of the United States. The generals and American officers have almost
all of them fought at their own expense; the affairs of many of them
have been ruined by their absence. Those who had professions lost the
power of exercising them. It has been proved, by accounts exacted in
France during times of terror and proscription, that Lafayette had
spent in the service of the American revolution, independent of his
income, more than seven hundred thousand francs of his capital. The
conduct of Washington was even more simple, and according to our
opinion, more praiseworthy: he would neither accept the profit of
emolument, nor the pride of sacrifice; he was paid for all necessary
expenses, and, without increasing his fortune, only lessened it, from
the injury it unavoidably received from his absence. Whilst all the
American officers conducted themselves with the most patriotic
disinterestedness, and all the pretensions of the army were satisfied
with the compensation of seven years pay, we can only quote the single
example of the traitor Arnold, who endeavoured to draw the slightest
pecuniary advantage from circumstances. Some grants of lands have been
made by the southern states to Generals Greene and Wayne, and Colonel
Washington, but only since the revolution. The shares of the Potomac,
given also since the revolution to General Washington, were left by him
in his will for the foundation of a college: in a word, we may affirm,
that delicacy and disinterestedness have been universal in the American
army. (Note of M. de Lafayette.)

6. The writings of that period give an account of the revolt of the
soldiers of Pennsvlvania; the complaints of most of them were well
founded. When General Saint Clair, Lafayette, and Laurens, repairing
from Philadelphia to head quarters, stopped at Princetown, as they had
been desired to do by the council of state of Pennsylvania, they found
a negotiation begun by General Wayne, and Colonels Stewart and Butler,
who were all three much beloved by the Pennsylvanian soldiers;
committees arrived from the congress and state, to arrange the affair,
not in a military, but in a civil manner: they remained but a few hours
at Princetown, and the business was soon settled in the same manner in
which it was commenced. But when the soldiers of the Jersey line wished
to imitate the revolt of the Pennsylvanians, General Washington stifled
it in its birth by vigorous measures. But it should be added that the
sufferings and disappointments of that brave and virtuous army were
sufficient to weary the patience of any human being: the conduct of the
continental troops, during the revolution, has been, in truth, most
admirable.

7. Mr. Marshall relates the affair of Jamestown. There were no militia
present, except the riflemen, who were placed in advance in the wood.
They threw down successively three commandants of the advance post,
placed there by Cornwallis, that what was passing behind might not be
seen. This obstinacy in covering the position excited the suspicion of
Lafayette, in spite of the unanimous opinion that a rear guard was
alone remaining there. As soon as he saw, from the projecting tongue of
land, that those who had crossed over were placed in such a manner as
to appear numerous, he returned with all possible haste; but General
Wayne had yielded to the temptation. He fortunately perceived his
error, and being a good and brave officer, came forward with much
gallantry; fortunately, also, Lafayette had only placed the
Pennsylvanians in advance, and had left the light infantry in a
situation to offer them some assistance. The first half of his
continental troops retired upon the other half, and the whole were
placed in such a manner that Lord Cornwallis feared an ambuscade, and
the more so, observes Mr. Marshall, as he had always been deceived as
to the real force of Lafayette's army.--(Manuscript, No. 2.)

8. James Moody rendered an ill service to those who employed him, by
seizing the letter-bag in the Jerseys. Among the letters, those in
which General Washington informed Lafayette of the project respecting
New York, contained friendly and confidential communications, written
in the General's own hand, which could not leave the slightest doubt in
any person's mind: they may be found in the publications of the
Generals Clinton and Cornwallis, which contain also Lafayette's
intercepted letters. But the enemy did not take those in which General
Lafayette gave an account to General Washington of his manoeuvres, of
his hopes, and of all that determined the commander-in-chief to adopt
the project on Virginia, nor Washington's answers to that effect; so
that when the combined troops made their first march towards the south,
General Clinton still remained deceived, owing to the singular chance
of the capture of the letter-bag by Moody.--(Manuscript, No. 2.)

9. The entreaties of Count de Rochambeau contributed much towards
persuading the Count de Grasse to bring his whole fleet, to land there
the three thousand two hundred men, who joined, on their arrival, the
army of Lafayette, and to repair immediately to Cape Henry, in
Virginia. This is one more obligation which the common cause of the
allies owes to General Rochambeau, who, from his talents, experience,
moderation, and his subordination to the general-in-chief, respect for
the civil power, and maintenance of discipline, proved that the King of
France had made an excellent choice for the command of the auxiliary
corps sent to the United States. (Note of M. de Lafayette.)

10. The French were much struck on this occasion by the extreme
coolness of one of the officers whom Lafayette sent to the Baron de
Viomenil, from a secret feeling of pleasure, perhaps, in marking how
much the present comparison stood in favour of the American troops.
However this might be, Major Barber received a contusion in his side,
but would not allow his wound to be dressed until he had executed his
commission.--(Manuscript, No. 2.)

11. The humanity of the American soldiers in that assault has been
attested by all historians. The following letter must be quoted:--

TO THE EDITOR OF THE EVENING POST.

_New York, August_ 10, 1802.

Sir,--Finding that a story, long since propagated, under circumstances
which it was expected would soon consign it to oblivion, (and by which
I have been complimented at the expense of Generals Washington and
Lafayette,) has of late been revived, and has acquired a degree of
importance by being repeated in different publications, as well in
Europe as America, it becomes a duty to counteract its currency and
influence by an explicit disavowal.

The story imports, in substance, that General Lafayette, with the
approbation or connivance of General Washington, ordered me, as the
officer who was to command the attack on a British redoubt, in the
course of the siege of Yorktown, to put to death all those of the enemy
who should happen to be taken in the redoubt, and that, through motives
of humanity, I forbore to execute the order.

Positively, and unequivocally, I declare, that no such order or similar
order, was ever by me received, or understood to have been given, nor
any intimation or hint resembling it.

It is needless to enter into an explanation of some occurrences on the
occasion alluded to, which may be conjectured to have given rise to the
calumny. It is enough to say, that they were entirely disconnected with
any act of either of the generals who have been accused.

With esteem, I am, sir, your most obedient servant,

A. HAMILTON.

The circumstance alluded to in this letter has been related in the Life
of Hamilton, published by his son. A short time before the taking of
Yorktown, a Colonel Scammell, surprised by the English whilst
reconnoitring, had been taken prisoner and dangerously wounded. When
the redoubt was taken, and Colonel Campbell, who commanded, advanced to
give himself up, a captain, who had served under Scammell, seized a
bayonet, and was on the point of striking him; Hamilton turned aside
the blow, and Campbell exclaimed, "I place myself under your
protection," and was made prisoner by Laurens. (The Life of A.
Hamilton, vol. i., chap. 14.)

12. Lord Cornwallis affected being indisposed, in order that he might
not march out at the head of his troops: they passed between two rows
of the American and French army, commanded by General O'Hara, and
surrendered their arms at the order of General Lincoln. Each of the
generals, Washington, Rochambeau, and Lafayette, sent as aide-de-camp
to offer their compliments to Lord Cornwallis. He retained Lafayette's
aide-de-camp, Major Washington, the nephew of General Washington, to
tell him how anxious he was that the general against whom he had made
this campaign should be convinced that he only surrendered from the
impossibility of defending himself any longer. The American, French,
and English generals visited each other, and everything passed with
every possible mark of attention, especially towards Lord Cornwallis,
one of the most estimable men of England, who was considered their best
general. O'Hara having said one day, at table, to the French generals,
affecting not to wish to be overheard by Lafayette, that he considered
it as fortunate not to have been taken by the Americans alone, "General
O'Hara, probably," replied Lafayette, "does not like repetitions." He
had, in, fact, been taken with Burgoyne, and has since been taken for
the third time at Toulon.--(Manuscript, No. 2.)

13. Marqius de St. Simon joined those of Lafayette.

14. See at the end of the volume a precise account of this whole
campaign in Virginia, edited by M. de Lafayette--(Part, No. 1.)

15. General Lafayette was to have taken two thousand Americans and St.
Simon's corps, who, landing near Charlestown, on the sea side, and
co-operating with the troops of General Greene, would have secured the
capture of the capital of Carolina, and of all the English who were
remaining south of New York. Lowering their demands, they then
requested that Lafayette should take the five thousand men who were at
Wilmington, and who were so much struck by the dangers they had
encountered, that they did not retain that post. At length, they
contented themselves with asking the admiral to conduct General Wayne
and his detachment, which were sent to reinforce Greene's army. He
would not do so. It has also since become known, that when Lafayette,
returning from his last visit to the admiral, landed at Yorktown, Lord
Cornwallis, who was still there, said to his officers, "I lay a bet
that he has been making arrangements for our ruin at Charlestown." The
English acknowledged that the expedition could not fail; but the Count
de Grasse did not think he ought to lose more time upon the North
American coast, before returning to the defence of the West
Indies.--(Manuscript, No. 2.)

CORRESPONDENCE.

1779-1781.

TO COUNT DE VERGENNES~[1]

Paris, 24th February, 1779.

SIR,--A desire to render an exact obedience to the orders of the king,
impels me to take the liberty of importuning you to let me know what is
my duty. The prohibition which the Marshal de Noailles has put upon me,
makes no exception as to one, whom I do not think, nevertheless, I
should be forbidden to visit. Dr. Franklin was to have met me at
Versailles this morning, if I had been there, to communicate to me some
affairs of importance, as he said. I have informed him of the cause
that detained me at Paris; but I did not think I ought to refuse an
interview, which might not be wholly useless to the king's interests.
He is coming to-morrow morning, and I trust you will add to your
kindnesses that of directing me how to conduct myself in this matter.

Suffer me, sir, to inform you that I have heard many persons speak of
an expedition, somewhat resembling the one proposed by congress. I
flatter myself I am too well known by you to have it suspected of me,
that any tie of kindred or friendship could make me forget the profound
secrecy which is due to affairs of state. I have added to nature some
acquired skill in this particular. My sole reason for mentioning the
subject, therefore, is to add, that the indiscretion of some of the
members of congress, and the number of officers returning from America,
will always spread rumours, which it will be impossible to suppress.
Truth cannot remain hidden but by being buried in a mass of false
reports. Hence, caution is necessary in order to preserve our secrets
from all the inconveniences to which they are subject in America, both
from the form of the government and from the character of some of those
at the head of affairs. I have the honour to be, with profound respect,
&c.

Footnote:

1. During this period of three years, we do not find, as in the
preceding years, a great number of family letters and those of
friendship. We have inserted all those we have been able to discover.
In amends, more than two hundred political, diplomatic, or military
letters, are in our hands. We do not publish a third of them, although
there are few that would not be interesting to the historian of the
American revolution. We again repeat, that all the letters to
Americans, or from Americans, were written originally in English.

ROM GENERAL WASHINGTON TO THE MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE.~[1]

(ORIGINAL.)

Camp, at Middlebrook, 8th March, 1779.

My Dear Marquis,--I am mortified exceedingly, that my letter from
Philadelphia, with the several enclosures, did not reach Boston before
your departure, from that port. It was written as soon as congress had
come to a decision upon the several matters, which became the subject
of the president's letter to you, and was committed for conveyance to
the messenger, who was charged with his despatches to that place.

Monsieur la Colombe did me the honour of delivering to me your favours,
and will probably be the bearer of my thanks for the affectionate
manner in which you have expressed your sentiments in your last adieu,
than which nothing can be more flattering and pleasing; nor is there
anything more wished for by me, than opportunities of giving
substantial proofs of the sincerity of my attachment and affection.

Nothing of importance has happened since you left us, except the
enemy's invasion at Georgia, and possession of its capital; which,
though it may add something to their supplies, on the score of
provisions, will contribute very little to the brilliancy of their
arms, for, like the defenceless island of St. Lucia, it only required
the appearance of force to effect the conquest of it, as the whole
militia of the state did not exceed twelve hundred men, and many of
them disaffected. General Lincoln is assembling a force to dispossess
them, and my only fear is, that he will precipitate the attempt before
he is fully prepared for the execution. In New York and at Rhode
Island, the enemy continued quiet till the 25th ultimo, when an attempt
was made by them to surprise the post at Elizabethtown; but failing
therein, and finding themselves closely pressed, and in danger from
detachments advancing towards them from this army, they retreated
precipitately through a marsh, waist-deep in mud, after abandoning all
their plunder; but not before they had, according to their wonted
custom, set fire to two or three houses. The regiment of Anspach, and
some other troops, are brought from Rhode Island to New York.

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