Memoirs, Correspondence and Manuscripts of General Lafayette by Lafayette
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Lafayette >> Memoirs, Correspondence and Manuscripts of General Lafayette
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Head-quarters, at Petersburg, 17th May, 1781.
TO GENERAL WASHINGTON.
(ORIGINAL.)
Richmond, May 24th, 1781,
MY DEAR GENERAL,--My official letter, a copy of which I send to
congress, will let you know the situation of affairs in this quarter. I
ardently wish my conduct may meet with your approbation. Had I followed
the first impulsion of my temper, I should have risked something more;
but I have been guarding against my own warmth; and this consideration,
that a general defeat, which, with such a proportion of militia, must
be expected, would involve this state and our affairs in ruin, has
rendered me extremely cautious in my movements. Indeed, I am more
embarrassed to move, more crippled in my projects, than we have been in
the northern states. As I am for the present fixed in the command of
the troops in this state, I beg it as a great favour that you will send
me Colonel Gouvion. Should a junction be made with General Greene, he
will act as my aide-de-camp. Had the Pennsylvanians arrived before Lord
Cornwallis, I was determined to attack the enemy, and have no doubt but
what we should have been successful. Their unaccountable delay cannot
be too much lamented, and will make an immense difference to the fate
of this campaign. Should they have arrived time enough to support me in
the reception of Lord Cornwallis's first stroke, I should still have
thought it well enough; but from an answer of General Wayne, received
this day, and dated the 19th, I am afraid that at this moment they have
hardly left Yorktown.
Public stores and private property being removed from Richmond, this
place is a less important object.
I don't believe it would be prudent to expose the troops for the sake
of a few houses, most of which are empty; but I am wavering between two
inconveniences. Were I to fight a battle, I should be cut to pieces,
the militia dispersed, and the arms lost. Were I to decline fighting,
the country would think itself given up. I am therefore determined to
skirmish, but not to engage too far, and particularly to take care
against their immense and excellent body of horse, whom the militia
fear as they would so many wild beasts.
A letter from General Greene to General Sumner is dated 5th May, seven
miles below Camden. The baron is going to him with some recruits, and
will get more in North Carolina. When the Pennsylvanians come, I am
only to keep them a few days, which I will improve as well as I can.
Cavalry is very necessary to us. I wish Lauzun's legion could come. I
am sure he will like to serve with me, and as General Greene gave me
command of the troops in this state, Lauzun might remain with me in
Virginia. If not, Shelden's dragoons might be sent. As to Moylan, I do
not believe he will be ready for a long time.
Were I anyways equal to the enemy, I should be extremely happy in my
present command, but I am not strong enough even to get beaten.
Government in this state has no energy, and laws have no force. But I
hope this assembly will put matters upon a better footing. I had a
great deal of trouble to put the departments in a tolerable train; our
expenses were enormous, and yet we can get nothing. Arrangements for
the present seem to put on a better face, but for this superiority of
the enemy, which will chase us wherever they please. They can overrun
the country, and, until the Pennsylvanians arrive, we are next to
nothing in point of opposition to so large a force. This country begins
to be as familiar to me as Tappan and Bergen. Our soldiers are hitherto
very healthy: I have turned doctor, and regulate their diet. Adieu, my
dear general. Let me hear sometimes from you; your letters are a great
happiness to your affectionate friend, &c.
TO GENERAL WASHINGTON.
(ORIGINAL.)
Camp, 28th June, 1781.
MY DEAR GENERAL,--Inclosed, I have the honour to send you a copy of my
letter to General Greene. The enemy have been so kind as to retire
before us.~[1]
Twice I gave them a chance of fighting (taking care not to engage
farther than I pleased), but they continued their retrograde motions.
Our numbers are, I think, exaggerated to them, and our seeming boldness
confirms the opinion.
I thought, at first, Lord Cornwallis wanted to get me as low down as
possible, and use his cavalry to advantage. But it appears that he does
not as yet come out, and our position will admit of a partial affair.
His lordship had (exclusive of the reinforcement from Portsmouth, said
to be six hundred) four thousand men, eight hundred of whom were
dragoons, or mounted infantry. Our force is about equal to his, but
only one thousand five hundred regulars and fifty dragoons. Our little
action more particularly marks the retreat of the enemy. From the place
whence he first began to retire to Williamsburg is upwards of one
hundred miles. The old arms at the Point of Fork have been taken out of
the water. The cannon was thrown into the river, undamaged, when they
marched back to Richmond; so that his lordship did us no harm of any
consequence, but lost an immense part of his former conquests, and did
not make any in this state. General Greene only demanded of me to hold
my ground in Virginia. But the movements of Lord Cornwallis may answer
better purposes than that in the political line. Adieu, my dear
general; I don't know but what we shall, in our turn, become the
pursuing enemy; and in the meanwhile, have the honour to be, &c.
Footnote:
1. It was the 20th of May that Lord Cornwallis effected his junction
with the troops of Arnold, whose unexpected opposition re-established
the affairs of the English in Virginia. The war became from that moment
extremely active, and the movements of the two armies very complicated.
M. de Lafayette maintained his position, and experienced no other check
than the loss of some magazines, at the forks of James River, which had
been confided to the care of Baron Steuben. His position was, however,
rather a defensive one, until the period at which that letter was
written, when the English abandoned Richmond. Cornwallis obtained, and
usually by the aid of negroes, the best horses of Virginia. He had
mounted an advance-guard of Tarleton on race-hores, who, like birds of
prey, seized all they met with, so that they had taken many couriers
who were bearers of letters. Cornwallis stopped once during his
retrograde march on Williamsburg; the Americans being close to him, it
was thought an affair would take place, but he continued on his road.
It was before he reached Williamsburg that his rear-guard was attacked
by the advance corps of Lafayette under Colonel Butler. He evacuated
Williamsburg the 4th; Lafayette had done all he could to convince him
that his own forces were more considerable than they really were.
Either the night of, or two nights before, the evacuation of
Williamsburg, a double spy had taken a false order of the day to Lord
Cornwallis,--found, he said, in the camp,--which ordered General
Morgan's division to take a certain position in the line. The fact was,
that General Morgan had arrived in person, but unaccompanied by troops:
Dr. Gordon justly observes, that Lord Cornwallis, from Charlestown to
Williamsburg, had made more than eleven hundred miles, without counting
deviations, which amounts, reckoning those deviations, to five hundred
leagues. The whole march through North Carolina and Virginia, and the
campaign against Lafayette, were effected without tents or equipages,
which confers honour on the activity of Lord Cornwallis, and justifies
the reputation he had acquired, of being the best British general
employed in that war.--(Extract of Manuscript, No. 2.)
EXTRACTS OF SEVERAL LETTERS TO GENERAL WASHINGTON.~[1]
(ORIGINAL.)
Ambler's Plantation, July 8th, 1781.
The inclosed copy, my dear general, will give you an account of our
affairs in this quarter. Agreeably to your orders I have avoided a
general action, and when Lord Cornwallis's movements indicated that it
was against his interest to fight, I ventured partial engagements. His
lordship seems to have given up the conquest of Virginia. It has been a
great secret that our army was not superior, and was most generally
inferior, to the enemy's numbers. Our returns were swelled up, as
militia returns generally are; but we had very few under arms,
particularly lately, and to conceal the lessening of our numbers, I was
obliged to push on as one who had heartily wished a general engagement.
Our regulars did not exceed one thousand five hundred, the enemy had
four thousand regulars, eight hundred of whom were mounted: they
thought we had eight thousand men. I never encamped in a line, and
there was greater difficulty to come at our numbers.
Malvan Hill, July 20th.
When I went to the southward, you know I had some private objections;
but I became sensible of the necessity there was for the detachment to
go, and I knew that had I returned there was nobody that could lead
them on against their inclination. My entering this state was happily
marked by a service to the capital. Virginia became the grand object of
the enemy, as it was the point to which the ministry tended. I had the
honour to command an army and oppose Lord Cornwallis. When incomparably
inferior to him, fortune was pleased to preserve us; when equal in
numbers, though not in quality of troops, we have also been pretty
lucky. Cornwallis had the disgrace of a retreat, and this state being
recovered, government is properly re-established: The enemy are under
the protection of their works at Portsmouth. It appears an embarkation
is taking place, probably destined to New York. The war in this state
would then become a plundering one, and great manoeuvres be out of the
question. A prudent officer would do our business here, and the baron
is prudent to the utmost. Would it be possible, my dear general, in
case a part of the British troops go to New York, I may be allowed to
join the combined armies?
Malvan Hill, July 20th.
No accounts from the northward, no letter from head quarters. I am
entirely a stranger to every thing that passes out of Virginia; and
Virginian operations being for the present in a state of languor, I
have more time to think of my solitude; in a word, my dear general, I
am home sick, and if I cannot go to head quarters, wish at least to
hear from thence. I am anxious to know your opinion concerning the
Virginian campaign. That the subjugation of this state was the great
object of the ministry is an indisputable fact. I think your diversion
has been of more use to the state than my manoeuvres; but the latter
have been much directed by political views. So long as my lord wished
for an action, not one gun has been fired; the moment he declined it,
we have been skirmishing; but I took care never to commit the army. His
naval superiority, his superiority of horse, of regulars, his thousand
advantages over us, so that I am lucky to have come off safe. I had an
eye upon European negotiations, and made it a point to give his
lordship the disgrace of a retreat.
From every account it appears that a part of the army will embark. The
light infantry, the guards, the 80th regiment, and the Queen's rangers,
are, it is said, destined to New York. Lord Cornwallis, I am told, is
much disappointed in his hopes of command. I cannot find out what he
does with himself. Should he go to England, we are, I think, to rejoice
for it; he is a cold and active man, two dangerous qualities in this
southern war.
The clothing you have long ago sent to the light infantry is not yet
arrived. I have been obliged to send for it, and expect it in a few
days. These three battalions are the best troops that ever took the
field; my confidence in them is unbounded; they are far superior to any
British troops, and none will ever venture to meet them in equal
numbers. What a pity these men are not employed along with the French
grenadiers; they would do eternal honour to our arms. But their
presence here, I must confess, has saved this state, and, indeed, the
southern part of the continent.
Malvan Hill, July 26th.
I had some days ago the honour to write to your excellency, and
informed you that a detachment from the British army would probably
embark at Portsmouth. The battalions of light infantry and the Queen's
rangers were certainly, and the guards, with one or two British
regiments, were likely to be, ordered upon that service. My conjectures
have proved true, and forty-nine sail have fallen down in Hampton-road,
the departure of which I expect to hear every minute. A British
officer, a prisoner, lately mentioned that Lord Cornwallis himself was
going.
It appears the enemy have some cavalry on board. The conquest of
Virginia, and the establishment of the British power in this state, not
having succeeded to the expectation of the British court, a lesser
number might be sufficient for the present purpose, and two thousand
men easily spared. So that I do not believe the present embarkation is
under that number; so far as a land force can oppose naval operations
and naval superiority, I think the position now occupied by the main
body of our small army affords the best chance to support the several
parts of Virginia.
Malvan Hill, July 30th.
Some expressions in your last favour will, if possible, augment my
vigilance in keeping you well apprised of the enemy's movements.~[2]
There are in Hampton-road thirty transport ships full of troops, most
of them red coats. There are eight or ten brigs which have cavalry on
board, they had excellent winds and yet they are not gone. Some say
they have received advices from New York in a row boat: the escort, as
I mentioned before, is the _Charon_, and several frigates, the last
account says seven. I cannot be positive, and do not even think Lord
Cornwallis has been fully determined.
I have sent, by a safe hand, to call out some militia, mount some
cannon at the passes, and take out of the way every boat which might
serve the enemy to go to North Carolina. You know, my dear general,
that, with a very trifling transportation, they may go by water from
Portsmouth to Wilmington. The only way to shut up that passage is, to
have an army before Portsmouth, and possess the heads of these rivers,
a movement which, unless I was certain of a naval superiority, might
prove ruinous. But should a fleet come in Hampton-road, and should I
get some days' notice, our situation would be very agreeable.
Malvan Hill, July 31.
A correspondent of mine, servant to Lord Cornwallis, writes on the 26th
of July, at Portsmouth, and says his master, Tarleton, and Simcoe, are
still in town, but expect to move. The greatest part of the army is
embarked. My lord's baggage is yet in town. His lordship is so shy of
his papers that my honest friend says he cannot get at them. There is a
large quantity of negroes, but, it seems, no vessels to take them off.
What garrison they leave I do not know: I shall take care at least to
keep them within bounds. . . . Should a French fleet now come in
Hampton Road, the British army would, I think, be ours.
Camp on Pamunkey, August 6.
The embarkation which I thought, and do still think, to have been
destined for New York, was reported to have sailed up the bay, and to
be bound for Baltimore; in consequence of which I wrote to your
excellency, and as I had not indulged myself too near Portsmouth, I was
able to cut across towards Fredericksburg. But, instead of continuing
his voyage up the bay, my lord entered York River, and landed at York
and Gloucester. To the former vessels were added a number of flat-
bottomed boats.
Our movements have not been precipitate. We were in time to take our
course down Pamunkey River, and shall move to some position where the
several parts of the army will unite. I have some militia in Gloucester
county, some about York. We shall act agreeably to circumstances, but
avoid drawing ourselves into a false movement, which, if cavalry had
command of the rivers, would give the enemy the advantage of us. His
lordship plays so well, that no blunder can be hoped from him to
recover a bad step of ours.
York is surrounded by the river and a morass; the entrance is but
narrow. There is, however, a commanding hill, (at least, I am so
informed,) which, if occupied by the enemy, would much extend their
works. Gloucester is a neck of land projected into the river, and
opposite to York. Their vessels, the biggest of whom is a forty-four,
are between the two towns. Should a fleet come in at this moment, our
affairs would take a very happy turn.
New Kent Mountain, August 11.
Be sure, my dear general, that the pleasure of being with you will make
me happy in any command you may think proper to give me; but for the
present I am of opinion, with you, I had better remain in Virginia, the
more so, as Lord Cornwallis does not choose to leave us, and
circumstances may happen that will furnish me agreeable opportunities
in the command of the Virginian army. I have pretty well understood
you, my dear general, but would be happy in a more minute detail,
which, I am sensible, cannot be entrusted to letters. Would not Gouvion
be a proper ambassador? indeed, at all events, I should be happy to
have him with me; but I think he would perfectly well answer your
purpose; a gentleman in your family could with difficulty be spared.
Should something be ascertained, Count Damas might come, under pretence
to serve with me; it is known he is very much my friend. But, to return
to operations in Virginia, I will tell you, my dear general, that Lord
Cornwallis is entrenching at York and at Gloucester. The sooner we
disturb him, the better; but unless our maritime friends give us help,
we cannot much venture below.
Forks of York River, August 21.
The greater part of the enemy are at York, which they do not as yet
fortify, but are very busy upon Gloucester neck, where they have a
pretty large corps under Colonel Dundas. They have at York a
forty-four gun ship; frigates and vessels are scattered lower down.
There is still a small garrison at Portsmouth. Should they intend to
evacuate, they at least are proceeding with amazing slowness. From the
enemy's preparations, I should infer that they are working for the
protection of one fleet, and for a defence against another; that in
case they hold Portsmouth, the main body would be at York, and a
detached corps upon Gloucester neck to protect the water battery. Their
fortifications are much contracted. From the enemy's caution and
partial movements, I should conclude their intelligence is not very
good, and that they wish to come at an explanation of my intentions and
prospects.
We have hitherto occupied the forks of York River, thereby looking both
ways. Some militia have prevented the enemy's parties from remaining
any time at or near Williamsburg, and false accounts have given them
some alarms. Another body of militia, under Colonel Ennis, has kept
them pretty close in Gloucester Town, and foraged in their vicinity.
Upon the receipt of your orders, I wrote to the governor, that
intelligence of some plans of the enemy rendered it proper to have some
six hundred militia collected upon Blackwater. I wrote to General
Gregory, near Portsmouth, that I had an account that the enemy intended
to push a detachment to Carolina, which would greatly defeat a scheme
we had there. I have requested General Wayne to move towards the
southward, to be ready to cross James River at Westover. A battalion of
light infantry, and our only hundred dragoons, being in Gloucester
county, I call them my vanguard, and will take my quarters there for
one or two days, while the troops are filing off towards James River.
Our little army will consequently assemble again upon the waters of the
Chickahonimy; and should Jamestown Island thought to be a good place to
junction, we will be in a situation to form it, while we render it more
difficult for the enemy to render a journey to Carolina.~[3]
In the present state of affairs, my dear general, I hope you will come
yourself to Virginia, and that, if the French army moves this way, I
will have, at least, the satisfaction of beholding you myself at the
head of the combined armies. In two days I will write again to your
excellency, and keep you particularly and constantly informed, unless
something is done the very moment (and it will probably be difficult).
Lord Cornwallis must be attacked with pretty great apparatus. But when
a French fleet takes possession of the bay and rivers, and we form a
land force superior to his, that army must, sooner or later, be forced
to surrender, as we may get what reinforcements we please.
Adieu, my dear general; I heartily thank you for having ordered me to
remain in Virginia; it is to your goodness that I am indebted for the
most beautiful prospect which I may ever behold.
Footnotes:
1. From Williamsburg, the English retreated towards Portsmouth, near
the mouth of James River, and consequently not far from Chesapeak Bay.
The sea was open to them, and those repeated retrograde movements
seemed to indicate the project of evacuating Virginia. M. de Lafayette,
therefore, when he learnt that they were embarking on board their
ships, never doubted but that their intention was to leave that part of
the country, to repair, in all probability, to New York. But it became
evident, at the same time, that if those naval forces appeared upon the
coast, they would be blockaded without any means of escape. This is
what occasioned their inexplicable and unhoped for retreat upon
Yorktown and Gloucester.
2. The 13th, Washington, who was then at Dobb's Ferry, while
congratulating M. de Lafayette on his success, announced to him the
junction of his army with that of Rochambeau, and that very important
information would be carried to him by a confidential officer. He
recommended to him to concentrate his forces, and obtain means of
corresponding with him. The 15th, he apprised him that the Count de
Grasse intended quitting St. Domingo on the 3rd, with his fleet, to
proceed to the Chesapeak, and prescribed to him to shut out from Lord
Cornwallis all retreat on North Carolina. He added, "You shall hear
further from me." The 30th, he no longer concealed his intention of
marching to the south. But he only announced on the 21st of August that
his troops were actually on their march. While recurring to the
necessity of inclosing the enemy on every side, he ended by saying,
"The particular mode I shall not at this distance attempt to dictate;
your own knowledge of the country, from your long continuance in it,
and the various and extended movements you have made, have given you
great opportunities for observation; of which I am persuaded your
military genius and judgment will lead you to make the best
improvement."--(Letters of Washington, vol. viii.)
3. After the arrival of Lord Cornwallis at York, General Lafayette
asked Colonel Barber for a faithful and intelligent soldier, whom he
could send as a spy into the English camp. Morgan, of the New Jersey
line, was pointed out to him. The general sent for him and proposed to
him the difficult task of going over to the enemy as a deserter and
enrolling in their army. Morgan answered that he was ready to
everything for his country and his general, but to act the part of a
spy was repugnant to all his feelings; he did not fear for his life but
for his name which might be blotted with an eternal stain. He ended,
however, by yielding but on condition, that in case of any misfortune,
the general would make the truth known, and publish all the particulars
of the case in the New Jersey papers. M. de Lafayette promised this
should be done. Morgan then proceeded to the English camp. His mission
was to give advice of the movements of the enemy, and deceive them as
to the projects and resources of the Americans. He had not been long
with the English, when Cornwallis sent for him, and questioned him, in
the presence of Tarleton, upon the means General Lafayette might have
of crossing south of James River. Morgan replied, according to his
private instructions, that he had a sufficient number of boats, on the
first signal, to cross the river, with his whole army. "In that case,"
said Cornwallis to Tarleton, "what I said to you cannot be done;"
alluding, in all probability, to an intended march upon North Carolina.
After the arrival of the French fleet, M. de Lafayette, on his return
from a reconnoitring party, found in his quarters six men dressed in
the English uniform, and a Hessian dressed in green: Morgan was amongst
them, bringing back five deserters and a prisoner: he no longer thought
his services as a spy could be of any use to his country. The next day,
the general offered him, as a recompence, the rank of sergeant. Morgan
thanked him, but declined the offer, saying that he thought himself a
good soldier, but was not certain of being a good sergeant. Other
offers were also refused. "What can I then do for you?" inquired the
general. "I have only one favour to ask," replied Morgan. "During my
absence, my gun has been taken from me; I value it very much, and I
should like to have it back again." Orders were given that the gun
should be found and restored to him: this was the only thing he could
be prevailed on to receive. Mr. Sparks, who published this anecdote,
"says he heard it related, fifty years after it had occurred, by
General Lafayette, who still expressed great admiration for that
soldier's noble feelings and disinterested conduct."--(Washington's
Writings, vol. viii., p. 152.)
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