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Memoirs, Correspondence and Manuscripts of General Lafayette by Lafayette

L >> Lafayette >> Memoirs, Correspondence and Manuscripts of General Lafayette




With the highest respect I have the honor to be,~[1]


Footnote:

1. See answer of Washington, Sparks's Writ. of Wash. v. 8. p. 156.



TO GENERAL WASHINGTON.

(ORIGINAL.)

Camp Williamsburg, Sept. 8th, 1781.

MY DEAR GENERAL.--Your letter of the 2d September is just come to hand.
Mine of yesterday mentioned that the ships in York river had gone down.
Inclosed is the account of an engagement off the capes. What
disposition has been made for the internal protection of the bay, I do
not know. James river is still guarded, but we have not as yet received
any letter from Count de Grasse relative to his last movements. I
hasten to communicate them as your Excellency will probably think it
safer to keep the troops at the Head of Elks until Count de Grasse
returns. Indeed, unless the greatest part of your force is brought
here, a small addition can do but little more than we do effect. Lord
Cornwallis will in a little time render himself very respectable.

I ardently wish your whole army may be soon brought down to operate.

We will make it our business to reconnoitre the enemy's works and give
you on your arrival the best description of it that is in our power. I
expect the governor this evening and will again urge the necessity of
providing what you have recommended.

By a deserter from York I hear that two British frigates followed the
French fleet and returned after they had seen them out of the capes. A
spy says that two schooners supposed to be French have been seen coming
up York river, but we have nothing so certain as to insure your voyage,
tho' it is probable Count de Grasse will soon return.

I beg leave to request, my dear General, in your answer to the Marquis
de St. Simon you will express your admiration at this celerity of their
landing and your sense of their cheerfulness in submitting to the
difficulties of the first moments. Indeed I would be happy something
might also be said to Congress on the subject.

Your approbation of my conduct emboldens me to request that Gen.
Lincoln will of course take command of the American part of your army;
the division I will have under him may be composed of the troops which
have gone through the fatigues and dangers of the Virginia campaign;
this will be the greatest reward of the services I may have rendered,
as I confess I have the strongest attachment to these troops.

With the highest respect I have the honor to be,~[1]


Footnote:

1. See Letter of Washington, Sparks's Writ. of Wash. v. 8. p. 157. A
plan of operations in Virginia at p. 158.



TO GENERAL WASHINGTON.

(ORIGINAL.)

Williamsburg, 10 Sept. 1781.

MY DEAR GENERAL,--Gourion is just arrived, he says you may be on your
way. We hasten to send to the commanding naval officer in the bay.
Hitherto I had no way to write to you by water, but Count de Grasse
being at sea we request the officer he has left to have every
precaution taken for the safety of navigation. It is probable they are
taken, but I would have been too uneasy had I not added this measure to
those that have been probably adopted.

I wrote several letters to you; the surprising speedy landing of the
French troops under the Marquis de St. Simon; our junction at
Williamsburg; the unremitted ardor of the enemy in fortifying at York;
the sailing of Count de Grasse in pursuit of 16 sail of the line, of
the British fleet, were the most principal objects. I added we were
short of flour, might provide cattle enough. I took the liberty to
advise James River as the best to land in, the particular spot referred
to a more particular examination, the result of which we shall send
tomorrow.

Excuse the haste that I am in, but the idea of your being in a cutter
leaves me only the time to add that I am, &c.



TO GENERAL WASHINGTON.

(ORIGINAL.)

Camp before York, September 30th, 1781.

My Dear General--You have been so often pleased to ask I would give my
opinion on any subject that may occur, that I will this day take the
liberty to mention a few articles.

I am far from laughing at the idea of the enemy's making a retreat. It
is not very probable, but it is not impossible, indeed they have no
other way to escape; and since we cannot get ships at York I would be
still more afraid of a retreat by West Point than any thing else. The
French hussars remaining here, our dragoons and some infantry might be
stationed somewhere near West Point, rather on the north side. I see
the service is much done by details, and to use your permission would
take the liberty to observe that when the siege is once begun it might
be more agreeable to the officers and men to serve as much as possible
by whole battalions. Col. Scamel is taken: his absence I had accounted
for by his being officer of the day. I am very sorry we lose a valuable
officer, but tho' Col. Scamel's being officer of the day has been a
reason for his going in front, I think it would be well to prevent the
officers under the rank of generals or field officers reconnoitering
for the safety of their commands from advancing so near the enemy's
lines.

There is a great disproportion between Huntington's and Hamilton's
battalions. Now that Scamel is taken we might have them made equal and
put the eldest of the two Lieutenant Colonels upon the right of the
brigade.

I have these past days wished for an opportunity to speak with your
Excellency on Count de Grasse's demand relative to Mr. de Barrass's
fleet. This business being soon done, we may think of Charleston, at
least of the harbor or of Savannah. I have long and seriously thought
of this matter but would not be in a hurry to mention it until we knew
how long this will last. However it might be possible to give Count de
Grasse an early hint of it in case you agree with him upon the winterly
departure of the whole fleet for the West Indies. One of my reasons to
wish troops (tho' not in great number) to be sent to Glocester county
by way of West Point is that for the first days it will embarrass any
movement of the enemy up the river or up the country on either side,
and when it is in Glocester county it may be thought advantageous by a
respectable regular force to prevent the enemy's increasing their works
there and giving us the trouble of a second operation, and in the same
time it will keep from York a part of the British forces.

With the highest respect and most sincere affection I have the honor to
be, &c.~[1]


Footnote:

1. For a "Plan of the Siege of Yorktown," see Spark's Writ. of Wash.
v.8. p. 186.



TO GENERAL WASHINGTON.

(ORIGINAL.)

November 29th, 1781

MY DEAR GENERAL,--Inclosed you will find some numbers, a copy of which
I have kept, and which contains some names that may probably occur in
our correspondence. I need not tell you, my dear General, that I will
be happy in giving you every intelligence in my power and reminding you
of the most affectionate friend you can ever have.

The goodness you had to take upon yourself the communicating to the
Virginia army the approbation of Congress appears much better to me
than my writing to the scattered part of the body I had the honor to
command. Give me leave, my dear General, to recall to your memory the
peculiar situation of the troops who being already in Virginia were
deprived of the month's pay given to the others. Should it be possible
to do something for them it would give me great satisfaction.

I will have the honor to write to you from Boston, my dear General, and
would be very sorry to think this is my last letter. Accept however
once more the homage of the respect and of the affection that render me
for ever--

LAFAYETTE.

* * * * *

APPENDIX I.

A SUMMARY OF THE CAMPAIGN OF 1781,

TO SERVE AS EXPLANATION TO THE MAP.


After the combat of MM. Destouches and Arbuthnot, the project on
Portsmouth was abandoned: the French sailed for Rhode Island; the
militia were dismissed, the regular troops proceeded to the north.
Arnold was afterwards reinforced by Major-general Phillips, and the
conquest of Virginia became the true object of the English during this
campaign. The allied army, under the Generals Washington and
Rochambeau, proceeded towards New York; that of General Greene attacked
the posts which had been left in Carolina, both about five hundred
miles from Richmond: Major-general the Marquis de Lafayette was charged
with defending Virginia.

_April_ and _May_.--From preparations made at Portsmouth, he conceives
that the capital was the proposed aim; a forced march of his corps from
Baltimore to Richmond, about two hundred miles; he arrives in the
evening of the 29th of April; the enemy had reached Osborn; the small
corps of militia assemble in the night at Richmond; the next morning
the enemy at Manchester, seeing themselves forestalled, re-embark at
Bermuda Hundred, and re-descend James River.

The Americans at Bottom's Bridge, a detached corps in Williamsburg;
General Phillips receives an _aviso_, and re-ascends the river, landing
at Brandon; second reinforcement from New York; Lord Cornwallis, who
was reported to have embarked at Charlestown, advances through North
Carolina.

The Americans at Osborn, to establish a communication on James and
Appomattox, are forestalled by the march of Phillips to Petersburg, the
10th, at Wilton; the 18th, canonading and reconnoitring, on Petersburg,
which, by assembling on one point, the hostile parties permit a convoy
to file off for Carolina; the 20th, at Richmond; junction of Lord
Cornwallis with the troops of Petersburg; the great disproportion of
the American corps, the impossibility of commanding the navigable
rivers, and the necessity of keeping the important side of James River,
do not allow any opposition.

Having sent a portion of the troops to Portsmouth, Lieutenant-general
Lord Cornwallis selected for himself an army of about five thousand
men, three hundred dragoons, and three hundred light horsemen; crosses
to Westover. The Americans had only about three thousand men, formed of
one thousand two hundred regulars, fifty dragoons, and two thousand
militia. All the important forces had evacuated Richmond; our troops at
Wintson's Bridge; a rapid march of the two corps, the enemies to engage
an action, the Americans to avoid it, and retain the heights of the
country with the communication of Philadelphia, which is equally
necessary to our army and to the existence of that of Carolina.

_June_.--The magazines of Fredericksburg are evacuated; the Americans
at Mattapony Church; the enemy at Chesterfield Tavern; heavy rains,
which will render the Rapid Ann impassable; Lord Cornwallis marches to
engage the front; our troops hasten their march, and repair to Racoon
Ford, to await General Wayne, with a regular corps of Pennsylvanians.

Despairing of being able to engage in action, or cut off the
communication between Wayne and Philadelphia, Lord Cornwallis changes
his own purpose,and endeavours to defeat that of the Americans; he
suddenly directs his movements against the great magazines of Albemarle
Court House; a detachment of dragoons strives to carry off the Assembly
of State at Charlottesville, but does not accomplish this end; another
detachment bore upon Point-of-Fork, where General Steuben formed six or
seven hundred recruits; he evacuated that point, and thought he ought
to retire in the direction of Carolina; some objects of slight
importance are destroyed. The passage of the Rapid Ann was necessary,
to avoid being embarrassed by Lord Cornwallis; the communication with
Philadelphia was indispensable. It was impossible to hope, even by
fighting, to prevent the destruction of the magazines before the
junction with the Pennsylvanians. Lafayette takes, therefore, the
resolution of waiting for them, and, as soon as they arrive, regains
the enemy with forced marches.

The 12th, the Americans at Boswell's Tavern; Lord Cornwallis has
reached Elk Island. The common road, which it is necessary for him to
cross to place himself above the enemy, passes at the head of Bird's
Creek; Lord Cornwallis carries thither, his advance-guard, and expects
to fall upon our rear; the Americans repair, during the night, a road
but little known, and, concealing their march, take a position at
Mechunck Creek, where, according to the orders given, they are joined
by six hundred mountaineers. The English general, seeing the magazines
covered, retires to Richmond, and is followed by our army.

Various manoeuvres of the two armies; the Americans are rejoined by
General Steuben, with his recruits; their force then consists of two
thousand regulars, and three thousand two hundred militia. Lord
Cornwallis thinks he must evacuate Richmond; the 20th, the Marquis de
Lafayette follows him, and retains a posture of defence, seeking to
manoeuvre, and avoiding a battle. The enemy retires on Williamsburg,
six miles from that town; their rear-guard is attacked in an
advantageous manner by our advanced corps under Colonel Butler. Station
taken by the Americans at one march from Williamsburg.

_July_.--Various movements, which end by the evacuation of
Williamsburg; the enemy at Jamestown. Our army advances upon them; the
6th, a sharp conflict between the hostile army and our advance-guard
under General Wayne, in front of Green Spring: two pieces of cannon
remain in their hands; but their progress is arrested by a
reinforcement of light infantry; the same night they retire upon James
Island, afterwards to Cobham, on the other side of James River, and
from thence to their works at Portsmouth.

Colonel Tarleton is detached into Amelia County; the generals Morgan
and Wayne march to cut him off; he abandons his project, burns his
wagons, and retires with precipitation. The enemy remaining in
Portsmouth, the American army takes a healthy station upon Malvan Hill,
and reposes after all its labour.

_August_.--The Americans refusing to descend in front of Portsmouth, a
portion of the English army embarks and proceeds by water to Yorktown
and Gloucester. General Lafayette takes a position at the Fork of
Pamunkey and Mattapony River, having a detached corps upon both sides
of York River. The Pennsylvanians and some new levies receive orders to
remain on James River, and think them selves intended for Carolina. An
assembly of militia on Moratie or Roanoke River; the fords and roads
south of James River destroyed on various pretence; movements to occupy
the attention of the enemy. As in the event prepared by Lafayette, the
means of escape would remain to the garrison of Portsmouth, Lafayette
threatened that point. General O'Hara thinks he ought to nail up thirty
pieces of cannon, and join the largest part of the army. The whole was
scarcely united, when the Count de Grasse appears at the entrance of
Chesapeak Bay. General Wayne crosses the river, and places himself in
such a manner as to arrest the enemy's march, if he should attempt to
retreat towards Carolina. The French admiral is waited for at Cape
Henry by an aide-de-camp of Lafayette, to report to him the respective
situations of the land troops, and ask him to make the necessary
movements to cut off all retreat to the enemy. He anchors at Cape
Henry, sends three vessels to York River, and fills James River with
frigates; the Marquis de Saint Simon, with three thousand men, lands at
James Island or Jamestown.

_September_.--The river thus defended, General Wayne receives the order
to cross it; the Marquis de Lafayette marches upon Williamsburg, and
assembles together, in a good position, the combined troops, to the
number of seven thousand three hundred men. He had left one thousand
rive hundred militia in the county of Gloucester, and sends to hasten
some troops coming from the north. This station, which closes all
retreat to Lord Cornwallis, (our advance posts nine miles from York,)
is retained from the 4th to the 28th of September. Lord Cornwallis
reconnoitres the position of Lafayette, and despairs of forcing it.

The 6th September, the Count de Grasse, quitting the defended rivers,
goes out with the remainder of his fleet, pursues Admiral Hood, who had
presented himself, beats him, and sinks the _Terror_; he takes the
_Iris_ and _Richmond_ frigates; the 13th, he joins, in the bay, the
squadron of M. de Barras, which had sailed from Rhode Island, with
eight hundred men and the French artillery: the fleet of the Count de
Grasse consists, at this period, of thirty eight ships of the line.

Admiral de Grasse and General Saint Simon, commanders of the French
under Lafayette, urge him to attack Lord Cornwallis and offer him a
reinforcement from the ship garrisons. He prefers acting on more secure
grounds, and waiting for the troops from the north. General Washington
succeeded in reality, in completely deceiving General Clinton as to his
intentions; he was advancing towards Virginia with an American
detachment, and the army of the Count de Rochambeau embarked at the
head of the Chesapeak; they proceeded upon transports, to Williamsburg.
The 28th, they march upon New York, and the combined army commences
investing it; the 29th, reconnoitring the place; the 30th, the enemy
evacuates the advance posts, and retires into the works of York.

_October_.--The 1st, a new reconnoitre; the 3rd, a skirmish between the
legion of the Duke of Lauzun and that of Tarleton, in which the former
gained the advantage. That legion and eight hundred men from the ships
under M. de Choisy, had joined the militia at Gloucester. The night of
the 6th, the trenches were opened; that of the 11th, the second
parallel. The night of the 14th, the redoubts of the enemy's left were
taken, sword in hand, the one by the grenadiers and French light
horsemen, the other by the light infantrymen of the Americans. The
first directed by the Baron de Viomenil, a field-marshal; the 2nd by
the Marquis de Lafayette. The morning of the 17th, Lord Cornwallis
asked to capitulate; that same evening the firing ceased. The English
Army, reduced to eight thousand men, comprising 900 militia gave
themselves as prisoners of war.

* * * * *


APPENDIX II




TO THE COUNT DE VERGENNES.

Havre, 18th July, 1779.

SIR,--You ask me for some ideas respecting an expedition to America. As
it is not a fixed plan which you require, nor a memorial addressed in
form to the ministry, it will be the more easy to comply with your
wishes.

The state of America, and the new measures which the British appear to
be adopting, render this expedition more than ever necessary. Deserted
coasts, ruined ports, commerce checked, fortified posts whence
expeditions are sent, all seem to call for our assistance, both by sea
and land. The smallest effort made now, would have more effect on the
people than a great diversion at a more distant period; but besides the
gratitude of the Americans, and particularly of the oppressed states, a
body of troops would insure us a great superiority on that continent.
In short, sir, without entering into tedious details, you know that my
opinions on this point have never varied, and my knowledge of this
country convinces me, that such an expedition, if well conducted, would
not only succeed in America, but would be of very essential service to
our own country.

Besides the advantage of gaining the affection of the Americans, and
that of concluding a good peace, France should seek to curtail the
means of approaching vengeance. On this account it is extremely
important to take Halifax; but as we should require foreign aid, this
enterprise must be preceded by services rendered to different parts of
the continent; we should then receive assistance, and, under pretext of
invading Canada, we should endeavour to seize Halifax, the magazine and
bulwark of the British navy in the new world.

Well aware that a proposition on a large scale would not be acceded to,
I will diminish, as much as possible, the necessary number of troops. I
will say four thousand men, a thousand of them to be grenadiers and
chasseurs; to whom I will add two hundred dragoons and one hundred
hussars, with the requisite artillery. The infantry should be divided
into full battalions, commanded by lieutenant-colonels. If commissions
of higher rank should be desired for the older officers, you are aware
that the minister of marine has it in his power to bestow such, as when
the expedition returns to Europe, will have no value in the land
service. We want officers who can deny themselves, live frugally,
abstain from all airs, especially a quick, peremptory manner, and who
can relinquish, for one year, the pleasures of Paris. Consequently we
ought to have few colonels and courtiers, whose habits are in no
respect American.

I would ask, then, for four thousand three hundred men, and, as I am
not writing to the ministry, allow me, for greater ease in speaking, to
suppose myself for a moment the commander of this detachment. You are
sufficiently acquainted with my principles to know that I shall not
court the choice of the king. Although I have commanded, with some
success, a larger body of troops, and I frankly confess I feel myself
capable of leading them, yet my intention is not to put forth my own
claims; but to answer for the actions of a stranger would be a folly,
and as, setting talents apart, it is on the political conduct of the
leader, the confidence of the people and of the American army, that
half the success must depend, I am obliged, reluctantly, to set forth a
character that I know, in order to establish my reasonings upon some
basis.

Leaving this digression, I come to the embarkation of these four
thousand three hundred men. As the coasts of Normandy and Brittany have
been much harassed, I should propose sailing from the Island of Aix;
troops and provisions might be obtained in the vicinity. The ports
between Lorient and the channel would furnish transport vessels.~[1]

Lorient has some merchant ships of a pretty large burthen. The caracks
of the channel are still larger, and these vessels have, moreover, guns
of large calibre, which may be of use, either in battle, or in
silencing batteries onshore; besides, they might be ready in a very
short time. I would embark the soldiers, a man to every two tons, and
would admit the dragoons, with their cavalry equipage only. There are
many details I would give if the project be decided upon, but would be
superfluous to mention here. After the experience of Count d'Estaing,
who found himself straitened with biscuit for four months, and flour
for two, I would take the latter, adding biscuit for six months, which
would make in all eight months' provision for the marine and the
troops. As to our escort, that must be decided upon by the marine; but
our transports being armed vessels, three ships of the line, one of
fifty guns for the rivers, three frigates and two cutters, would appear
to me to be more than sufficient. As the expedition is especially a
naval one, the commander of the squadron should be a man of superior
abilities; his character, his patriotism, are important points. I have
never seen M. de Guichen, but the reports I have heard of his worth and
modesty prepossess me strongly in his favour. Being then at the Island
of Aix with our detachment, and the squadron that is to transport it,
the next question is how to act, and our movements must depend entirely
upon circumstances. According to the first project, we were to sail by
the first of September, and by the second to remain here until the last
of January;~[2] it might, however, be possible to sail in October. This
even appears to me better than remaining until the close of January;
but the different operations are included in the other plan. The
enemy's fleet is to be reinforced, and, as we are assured that four or
five weeks' preparation will be sufficient for the transports and the
troops, there is nothing unreasonable in forming our projects for this
autumn, and even for the month of September.

The advantages of commencing our operations in that month would be,
first, to deprive the enemy of Rhode Island; secure to ourselves, till
spring, a fine island and harbour, and have it in our power to open the
campaign when we please. Secondly, to establish our superiority in
America before the winter negotiations. Thirdly, if peace should be
desired, to place an important post in our side of the balance.
Fourthly, in case the enemy should have extended their forces over any
one of the states, to drive them away with the more ease, as we should
take them by surprise.

A few days before our departure, and not sooner (to prevent the
consequences of an indiscretion), three corvettes should be despatched
to America, with letters to M. de Luzerne, to congress, and to General
Washington. We might write that the king, desiring to serve his allies,
and agreeably to the requests of Dr. Franklin, intends sending some
vessels to America, and, with them, a body of land forces; and that, if
congress is in want of their assistance, they will willingly lend their
aid to General Washington, but otherwise they will proceed to the
Islands: This form will be perfectly appropriate. On any part, I would
write, in my capacity of an American officer, more detailed letters to
congress, and to General Washington. To the latter I would say,
confidentially, that we have almost a _carte blanche_, and unfold my
plans, and request him to make the necessary preparations. It should be
reported at our departure that we are destined as a garrison to one of
the Antilles, while the troops of these islands act on the offensive,
and that, in the summer, we shall be ordered to attempt a revolution in
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Turkey is restoring the citizenship of its most famous 20th century poet Nazim Hikmet over 50 years after it branded him a traitor.

Hikmet, a communist who died in exile in Moscow in 1963, was imprisoned in Turkey for more than a decade. He was stripped of his Turkish nationality in 1951 because of his communist views, but despite a ban on his poetry which remained in place until 1965, has remained one of Turkey's best-loved poets. His work, much of which was written in prison, including his masterpiece Human Landscapes, has been translated into more than 50 languages.

"This is very good news," said Richard McKane, Hikmet's English translator. "The restoration of his Turkish citizenship is long overdue: the people of Turkey and his readers are owed that."

Immortalised by Pablo Neruda, with whom he shared the Soviet Union's International Peace Prize in 1950, with the lines "Thanks for what you were and for the fire / which your song left forever burning", Hikmet was also supported by Jean-Paul Sartre and Pablo Picasso. Nobel laureate Orhan Pamuk, when given the editorship for a day of Turkish newspaper Radikal two years ago, used the example of Hikmet in his cover story to criticise the lack of freedom of expression in Turkey. In 2000, 500,000 Turks petitioned the government to restore Hikmet's citizenship rights and repatriate his remains.

Deputy prime minister Cemil Cicek told the Associated Press that it was time for the government to change its mind about Hikmet. "The crimes which forced the government to strip him of his citizenship at that time are no longer considered a crime," the BBC quoted him as saying.

Hikmet, whose remains are currently in Russia, had said that he wished to be buried in Turkey in his 1953 poem Testament, translated by Ruth Christie. "Friends if it's not my lot to see the day / of independence... / if I die before that day / - and it seems I will - / bury me in a village graveyard in Anatolia / and if it's fitting / and a plane tree grows at my head, / then there's no need for a gravestone or anything else."

Cicek said that Hikmet's family would now decide whether to ship his remains back to his homeland.

Hikmet introduced free verse to Turkey in the 1930s, with his themes ranging from war to love. Despite his imprisonment he retained a deep passion for Turkey. "I love my country", he wrote in one of his poems. "I swung in its lofty trees, I lay in its prisons. Nothing relieves my depression like the songs and tobacco of my country."

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