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Memoirs, Correspondence and Manuscripts of General Lafayette by Lafayette

L >> Lafayette >> Memoirs, Correspondence and Manuscripts of General Lafayette




The squadron sailing before the 10th of September, would arrive at
Sandy Hook, off the coast of Jersey, early in November, one of the
finest months of the year in independent America. Our fleet would then
seem to threaten New York, and we should find, on our arrival, pilots
for different destinations, and the necessary signals and counter
signs.~[3] If Rhode Island should be the proper point of attack, of
which I have no doubt, we would steer southward towards evening,
and, putting about during the night, land at Block Island, and lay
siege to Newport.

There are some continental troops, who might reach Bristol in a day.
There are militia at Tivertown, who might also be mustered. Greenwich
having also a body of troops, must have flat-bottomed boats; those at
Sledge Ferry would be sent down. All these we should find on the spot.
To escape the inconveniences experienced the last year, the naval
commander should send, without a moment's delay, two frigates, to
occupy the eastern channel, and force the middle one, a thing of
trifling danger. The vessels found there should be destroyed; and as
the enemy usually leave at Conanicut Island a body of from six to
fifteen hundred men, we might easily seize it, and make our land
rendezvous there. If the wind should be favourable, the vessels might
return the same night, or the end of the squadron might join them; all
these manoeuvres, however, will depend on circumstances. Thus much is
certain, that the same wind which brings us to land will enable us to
make ourselves masters of the eastern channel, so as to assist the
Americans at Bristol and Tivertown, and, if possible, to secure the
middle channel; at all events, however, it is easy to effect a landing
in the manner I describe.~[4]

Newport is strongly fortified on the side towards the land, but all the
shore that is behind the town offers great facilities for landing; it
is, besides, too extensive to admit of being defended by batteries.
There the French troops might easily disembark, and, reaching at
day-break the heights which command the town and the enemy's lines,
might seize their outworks and storm all before there, protected, if
necessary, by the fire of the ships. The enemy, scattered and
confounded by these false attacks on both sides of the island, would
suppose that the system of the past year was re-adopted. The bolder
this manoeuvre appears, the more confident we may be of its success.

You are aware, moreover, that in war all depends on the moment; the
details of the attack would be quickly decided on the spot. I need only
say here, that my thorough knowledge of the island leads me to think
that, with the above mentioned number of troops, and a very slender co-
operation on the part of America, I might pledge myself to gain
possession of the island in a few days.~[5]

As soon as we are in possession of the island, we must write to the
state of Rhode Island, offering to resign the place to the national
troops. Unless the state should prefer waiting for the opinion of
General Washington, our offer would be accepted, and we should be
invited to establish ourselves there during the winter. The batteries
upon Goat Island, Brenton's Point and Conanicut Island, would render
the passage of the harbour the more secure to us, particularly with the
aid of our vessels, as the British are not strong enough to attack us
there, and would never attempt it in an unfavourable season. We should
be supported by the country, and although it is said to be difficult to
procure provisions, I should endeavour to preserve our naval stores,
and should obtain more resources than the American army itself.

The same letter that announces to congress our success in Rhode Island,
of which, as far as calculations may be relied on, there is little
doubt, should also mention our proposed voyage to the West Indies, and
inquire whether, our assistance is further needed. Their reply would
open to new fields of service, and, with their consent, we would leave
the sick in a hospital at Greenwich, and the batteries manned by the
militia, and proceed to Virginia. It might be hoped, without
presumption, that James River Point, if still occupied, would yield to
the united efforts of our troops and those of the Virginians. The bay
of Chesapeak would then be free, and that state might bend its whole
force against its western frontiers.~[6]

It is impossible to estimate here the posts which the British occupy in
America. Georgia and Carolina appear to need our assistance, and the
precise operation against Rhode Island must be decided on the spot; but
to give a general idea, it is sufficient to say that the months of
December and January should be employed at the south. As the English
are obliged to station some of their vessels, frigates, merchant ships,
or transports, in each of their ports, they would amount in the whole
to a considerable loss.

In the month of February we would return to Newport, where we might
employ ourselves in interchanges with New York; and the French sailors,
exchanged for soldiers, might be sent under a flag of truce to M.
d'Orvillers. Political interests might be treated of with congress, and
the commander of the detachment go to Philadelphia to make arrangements
with the minister plenipotentiary for the next campaign, and to lay
some proposals before congress and General Washington. I should propose
sending for deputies from the different savage nations, making them
presents, endeavouring to gain them over from the side of the English,
and to revive in their hearts that ancient love of the French nation
which, at some future day, it may be important for us to possess.

It is needless to say here, that if we should wait until the month of
October, the season would be too far advanced to think of Rhode Island,
but the southern operations would be equally practicable, and their
success more certain, as we should take the enemy by surprise.

In that case, instead of proceeding to Newport, we should winter at
Boston, where we should be well received, and provided with every
accommodation. We could open the campaign when we pleased, and might
make preparations beforehand for a great expedition against Rhode
Island, procuring, at the same time, from the inhabitants of the ports
of the north of Boston, and especially that of Marble Head, all the
information they may have acquired about Halifax.

But let us suppose ourselves established at Newport. The campaign opens
by the close of April, and the British will be in no haste to quit New
York. The fear of leaving himself unprotected on our side will prevent
his executing any design against the forts on the North River. It may
even be in our power to assist General Washington in making an attack
on New York. Count d'Estaing, before his departure, thought that he had
discovered the possibility of a passage through the Sound. This
question I leave to naval officers; but, without being one myself, I
know that Long Island might be captured, the troops driven off, and,
whilst General Washington made a diversion on his side, batteries might
be erected that would greatly annoy the garrison of New York. At all
events, preparations should be made to act against Halifax in the month
of June. With the claims which the other expedition would give us, I
will pledge myself that we should be assisted in this by the Americans.
I could find at Boston, and in the northern parts, trust-worthy persons
who could go to Halifax for us, and procure all the necessary
information; the town of Marble Head, in particular, would furnish us
with excellent pilots. The inhabitants of the north of New Hampshire
and Cascobay should be assembled under the command of their general,
Stark, who gained the victory at Bennington, ready to march, if
circumstances require it, by the route of Annapolis. The country is
said to be inhabited by subjects ill affected to British government;
~[7] some of them have entered into a correspondence with the
Americans, and have given assurances that they will form a party in our
favour.

With regard to ourselves, I suppose that we sail the 1st of June, and
that we are accompanied by some continental frigates, and such private
vessels as might be collected in Boston. Congress would undoubtedly
furnish us with as many troops as we should require, and those very
brigades which lately belonged to my division, and whose sole object at
present is to keep the enemy at Rhode Island in check, having no longer
any employment, would be able to join us without impairing the main
army. They would come the more willingly, as the greater part of the
regiments belonging to the northern part of New England would be averse
to crossing the Hudson River, and would prefer a service more
advantageous to their own country.~[8] We should find at Boston cannon
and mortars. Others, if necessary, might be sent from Springfield, and
the corps of American artillery is tolerably good.

The enemy would suspect our designs the less, as their ideas run wholly
upon an invasion of Canada; the movements of the militia in the north
would be considered as a plan for uniting with us at Sorel, near the
River St. Francis, as we ascended the St. Lawrence: this opinion,
which, with a little address, might be strengthened, would awaken
apprehensions and excite disturbances at Quebec;~[9] and if a vessel of
war should by chance be at Halifax ready for sea, they would probably
despatch it to the threatened colony.

I have never seen the town of Halifax, but those persons who, before
the war, were in the English service, and had spent most of the time in
garrison, inform me that the great point is, to force to the right and
left the passage of George's Island, and that a landing might be
effected without difficulty, either on the side towards the eastern
battery, in order to seize that battery and Fort Sackville, or, which
appears to be a shorter way, on the side towards the town. The northern
suburb, where the magazines are, is but slightly defended. The basin,
where vessels are repaired, might also be secured. Several officers,
worthy of confidence, have assured me, that Halifax is built in the
form as of an amphitheatre; that all the houses might be cannonaded by
the vessels that had forced the passage, and in that case, the town
would compel the garrison to surrender. As the troops might destroy all
the works on the shore, and the vessels of war easily carry the
batteries on the islands, I am well persuaded, and the accounts of all
who have been there convince me still more, that Halifax would be
unable to withstand the united power of our forces and those of
America.~[10]

The idea of a revolution in Canada is gratifying to all good Frenchmen;
and if political considerations condemn it, you will perceive that this
is to be done only by suppressing every impulse of feeling. The
advantages and disadvantages of this scheme demand a full discussion,
into which I will not at present enter. Is it better to leave in the
neighbourhood of the Americans an English colony, the constant source
of fear and jealousy, or to free our oppressed brethren, recover the
fur trade, our intercourse with the Indians, and the profit of our
ancient establishments, with out the expenses and losses formerly
attending them? Shall we throw into the balance of the new world a
fourteenth state, which would be always attached to us, and which, by
its situation, would give us a superiority in the troubles that may, at
some future day, agitate America? Opinions are very much divided on
this topic. I know yours, and my own is not unknown to you; I do not,
therefore, dwell on it, and consider it in no other light than as a
means of deceiving and embarrassing the enemy. If, however, it should
at any time be brought under consideration, it would be necessary to
prepare the people beforehand; and the knowledge which I was obliged to
obtain when a whole army was about to enter that country has enabled me
to form some idea of the means of succeeding there But to return to
Nova Scotia: part of the American troops, who will accompany us, and
such of the inhabitants as take up arms in our favour, might be left
there as a garrison. It would be easy to destroy or take possession of
the English establishments on the banks of Newfoundland, and after this
movement we should direct our course according to circumstances.
Supposing that we could return to Boston or Rhode Island during the
month of September, and that New York had not yet been taken, we might
still be enabled to assist General Washington. Otherwise St. Augustine,
the Bermudas, or some other favourable points of attack, might engage
our attention; on the other hand, if we should be ordered home, we
might reach France in three weeks or a month from the banks of
Newfoundland, and alarm the coasts of Ireland on our way.

If the September plan, which combines all advantages, appears too near
at hand, if it were decided even not to send us in October, it would be
necessary to delay our departure until the end of January. In this
case, as in the former, we should be preceded fifteen days only by
corvettes; we should pass the month of April in the south, attack Rhode
Island to May, and arrive at Halifax the last of June. But you are
aware that the autumn is, on many accounts, the most favourable time
for our departure; at all events, you will not accuse me of favouring
this opinion from interested motives, as a winter at Boston or Newport
is far from equivalent to one spent at Paris.~[11]

These views, in obedience to your request, I have the honour to submit
to your judgment; I do not affect to give them the form of a regular
plan, but you will weigh the different schemes according to
circumstances. I trust that you will receive these remarks with the
greater indulgence, as my American papers, those respecting Halifax
excepted, are at Paris, and, consequently, almost all my references are
made from memory; beside, I did not wish to annoy you with details too
long for a letter, and if you are desirous to converse more freely on
the subject, the impossibility of leaving the port of Havre, at
present, will allow me time to spend three days at Versailles.

I am thoroughly convinced, and I cannot, without violating my
conscience, forbear repeating, that it is highly important for us to
send a body to America. If the United States should object to it, I
think it is our duty to remove their objections, and even to suggest
reasons for it. But on this head you will be anticipated, and Dr.
Franklin is only waiting a favorable occasion to make the propositions.
Even if the operations of the present campaign, with the efforts of
Count d'Estaing or some other fortunate accident should have given
affairs a favorable turn, there will be a sufficient field for us, and
one alone of the, proposed advantages would repay the trouble of
sending the detachment.

A very important point, and one on which I feel obliged to lay the
greatest stress, is the necessity of perfect and inviolable secrecy. It
is unnecessary to trust any person, and even the men who are most
actively employed in fitting out the detachment and the vessel need not
be informed of the precise intentions of government. At farthest, the
secret should be confided to the naval commander, and to the leader of
the land forces, and not even to them before the last moment.

It will certainly be said that the French will be coldly received in
that country, and regarded with a jealous eye in their army. I cannot
deny that the Americans are difficult to be dealt with, especially by
the Frenchmen; but if I were intrusted with the business, or if the
commander chosen by the king, acts with tolerable judgment, I would
pledge my life that all difficulties would be avoided, and that the
French troops would be cordially received.

For my own part, you know my sentiments, and you will never doubt that
my first interest is to serve my country. I hope, for the sake of the
public good, that you will send troops to America. I shall be
considered too young, I presume, to take the command, but I shall
surely be employed. If, in the arrangement of this plan, any one, to
whom my sentiments are less known than to yourself, in proposing for me
either the command or some inferior commission, should assign as a
reason, that I should thereby be induced to serve my country with more
zeal either in council or in action, I took the liberty (putting aside
the minister of the king) to request M. de Vergennes to come forward as
my friend, and to refuse, in my name, favors bestowed from motives so
inconsistent with my character.

I have the honor to be, &c.

LAFAYETTE.


Footnotes:

1. I hear that you have, at Lorient, three vessels of the
India company, of forty guns and eight hundred tons. These caracks, if
I recollect rightly, are fifty-gun ships, of nine hundred and sixty
tons all number of vessels would be sufficient; they might soon be got
ready, and their force would diminish the required escort. As for
frigates, you will find in readiness, at Lorient, the _Alliance_, the
_Pallas_, and others. However, if you are determined to employ the
vessels which are fitted out, in the expedition against England, it
would be necessary to take ours from St. Malo in preference. (Note from
M. de Lafayette.)

2. Virginia and Carolina would be the scene of our operations during
the months of December and January, and we should pass the remainder of
the winter at Boston. I greatly prefer this project to waiting until
the last of January.

3. To deceive the enemy, pilots might be assembled from different
parts, under pretence of sending them to the Islands, at the request of
the French. This business, as well as the preparations and signals,
might be entrusted to a lieutenant-colonel of the royal corps of
engineers, an officer of great merit at the head of the American corps
of engineers, who, under cover of working to the fortifications of the
Delaware, might remain near Sandy Hook.

4. The frigates or vessels necessary to protect the landing, either
real or pretended, of the Americans, should anchor in those channels.
The enemy would then be obliged either to disperse among the forts, and
thereby to weaken their lines, or else to leave the field open to the
Americans, who, by a diversion upon the lines, would force the enemy to
have them fully manned, and prevent them attending to their rear.

5. It is necessary, however, to consider all the unfortunate
contingencies that may occur. If the expedition to Rhode Island should
be prevented, or if it should not succeed, or if nothing can be
attempted at New York, we ought then to proceed on our expeditions
against Virginia, or Georgia, or Carolina, and winter afterwards at
Boston, leaving Rhode Island to the next season, as proposed in our
plan of sailing in the month of October.

6. If the capture of the Bermudas, or some expedition of the kind,
should be considered necessary, the rest of the winter might be
employed in carrying it into effect.

7. The last time I was at Boston, I saw there a respectable man, a
member of the council in Nova Scotia, who had secretly entered into the
service of General Gates, and who assured us of the favourable
disposition of the inhabitants.

8. General Gates, who is popular in New England, and perfectly
acquainted with Halifax, has often proposed to make an expedition, in
concert, against that town, with French and American troops combined.

9. In the present harassed state of the English, I doubt if they will
have in port any vessel capable of joining the squadron.

10. I have not made any allowance for the diversion in the north, of
which, however, I feel certain, and if the troops should not go to
Annapolis, would, at least, compel a part of the British garrison, and
such of the inhabitants as adhered to the royal party, to remain in the
fort.

11. Fifteen hundred or two thousand select troops thrown into America
might aid General Washington, and enable him to act on the offensive,
by supplying him with good heads to his columns, and by uniting the
French with an American division for combined operations. This plan
would be of some use, but it appeared to me that you wished for one
offering results of greater importance.

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Turkey is restoring the citizenship of its most famous 20th century poet Nazim Hikmet over 50 years after it branded him a traitor.

Hikmet, a communist who died in exile in Moscow in 1963, was imprisoned in Turkey for more than a decade. He was stripped of his Turkish nationality in 1951 because of his communist views, but despite a ban on his poetry which remained in place until 1965, has remained one of Turkey's best-loved poets. His work, much of which was written in prison, including his masterpiece Human Landscapes, has been translated into more than 50 languages.

"This is very good news," said Richard McKane, Hikmet's English translator. "The restoration of his Turkish citizenship is long overdue: the people of Turkey and his readers are owed that."

Immortalised by Pablo Neruda, with whom he shared the Soviet Union's International Peace Prize in 1950, with the lines "Thanks for what you were and for the fire / which your song left forever burning", Hikmet was also supported by Jean-Paul Sartre and Pablo Picasso. Nobel laureate Orhan Pamuk, when given the editorship for a day of Turkish newspaper Radikal two years ago, used the example of Hikmet in his cover story to criticise the lack of freedom of expression in Turkey. In 2000, 500,000 Turks petitioned the government to restore Hikmet's citizenship rights and repatriate his remains.

Deputy prime minister Cemil Cicek told the Associated Press that it was time for the government to change its mind about Hikmet. "The crimes which forced the government to strip him of his citizenship at that time are no longer considered a crime," the BBC quoted him as saying.

Hikmet, whose remains are currently in Russia, had said that he wished to be buried in Turkey in his 1953 poem Testament, translated by Ruth Christie. "Friends if it's not my lot to see the day / of independence... / if I die before that day / - and it seems I will - / bury me in a village graveyard in Anatolia / and if it's fitting / and a plane tree grows at my head, / then there's no need for a gravestone or anything else."

Cicek said that Hikmet's family would now decide whether to ship his remains back to his homeland.

Hikmet introduced free verse to Turkey in the 1930s, with his themes ranging from war to love. Despite his imprisonment he retained a deep passion for Turkey. "I love my country", he wrote in one of his poems. "I swung in its lofty trees, I lay in its prisons. Nothing relieves my depression like the songs and tobacco of my country."

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