Memoirs, Correspondence and Manuscripts of General Lafayette by Lafayette

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By forcing the passage between Rhode Island and Connecticut, M.
d'Estaing might easily have carried off as prisoners 1500 Hessians who
were stationed on the latter island; but he yielded to Sullivan's
entreaties, and waited until that general should be in readiness: but
although the troops of M. de Lafayette had traversed 240 miles, he
found on his arrival that no preparations were yet made. He repaired
to the squadron, and was received with the greatest possible attention,
especially by the general; and, as M. de Suffren was placed in front,
he carried back to him an order from M. d'Estaing to attack three
frigates, which, however, were burnt by their own crews. The American
army repaired, on the 8th of August, to Howland's Ferry, during the
time that the squadron was forcing its way between the two islands.
General Greene having joined the army, M. de Lafayette yielded to him
the command of half his corps; each then possessed a wing, of 1000
continentalists and 5000 militia. M. de Lafayette's corps was to
receive the addition of the two battalions of Foix and Hainaut, with
some marines. The English, fearing to be intercepted evacuated the
forts on the right of the island during the night of the 8th, and
Sullivan landed with his troops the next day. M. de Lafayette was
expecting the French that afternoon, and the boats were already under
way, when a squadron appeared in sight on the south of the island, at
M. d'Estaing's former anchorage. Lord Howe, brave even to audacity,
having watched the movements of the French admiral and his fleet,
collected a greater number of ships, of which the sizes were however
too unequal; his position, and the southern wind, would enable him, he
thought, to throw succours into Newport where General Pigot had
concentrated his force; but the wind changed during the night, and
the next day M. d'Estaing, within sight of both armies passed gallantly
through the fire of the two batteries whilst the enemy, cutting their
cables, fled, under heavy press of sail. After a chase of eight hours
the two squadrons at length met, and Lord Howe would have paid dearly
for his temerity, had not a violent storm arisen, which dispersed the
ships. By a singular chance, several of Byron's vessels came up at the
same time on their return from Portsmouth, having been separated at the
Azores by a violent gale of wind. The _Languedoc_, the admiral's ship,
deprived of its masts and rudder, and driven by the tempest to a
distance from the other vessels, was attacked by the _Isis_, of fifty
guns, and owed its safety only to the courage and firmness of M.
d'Estaing. At length he succeeded in rallying his squadron, and,
faithful to his engagements, reappeared before Rhode Island; but as he
no longer possessed the superiority of force, he announced his
intention of repairing to Boston, where the _Cesar_ had taken shelter
after a combat. When the storm, which lasted three days, subsided, the
American army drew near Newport. This town was defended by two lines of
redoubts and batteries, surrounded by a wooden palisade, the two
concentrated fronts of which rested on the sea-shore, and were
supported by a ravine that it was necessary to cross. The trench was
opened, the heavy batteries established, and General Greene and M. de
Lafayette were deputed to go on board the French admiral ship, to
endeavour to obtain time, and propose either to make an immediate
attack, or to station vessels in the Providence river. If M. de
Lafayette had felt consternation upon hearing of the dispersion of the
fleet, the conduct of the sailors during the combat, which he learnt
with tears in his eyes, inspired him with the deepest grief. In the
council, where the question was agitated, M. de Brugnon (although five
minutes before he had maintained the contrary) gave his voice in favour
of Boston, and his opinion was unanimously adopted. Before they
separated, the admiral offered his two battalions to M. de Lafayette,
and appeared to feel great pleasure in being thus enabled to secure him
his rank in the French army; but these troops were useful on board, and
were not necessary on the island, and M. de Lafayette would not expose
them to danger for his own private interest. At the departure of the
vessels, there was but one unanimous feeling of regret and indignation.
Their lost time, extinguished hopes, and embarrassed situation, all
served to increase the irritation of the militia, and their discontent
became contagious. The people of Boston already spoke of refusing the
fleet admission into their port; the generals drew up a protestation,
which M. de Lafayette refused to sign. Carried away by an impulse of
passion, Sullivan inserted in an order "that our allies have abandoned
us." His ill humour was encouraged by Hancock, a member of congress,
formerly its president, and who then commanded the militia of
Massachusets stationed on the island. To him M. de Lafayette first
declared his intentions, and then, calling upon Sullivan, he insisted
upon the words used in the order of the morning being retracted in that
of the evening. Some hours after, the general returned his visit, and,
drawing him aside, a very warm altercation took place; but although
totally indifferent to the peril of a duel, Sullivan was neither
indifferent to the loss of the intimacy of M. de Lafayette, nor to the
influence this young Frenchman possessed at head-quarters, and over
congress and the nation; and in the numerous letters which M. de
Lafayette wrote on this occasion, he made ample use of his influence
over those three important powers.

Dr. Cooper, a presbyterian minister, was extremely useful at Boston;
and Hancock himself ended by repairing thither to receive the squadron.
Rather than yield to the public torrent, M. de Lafayette had risked his
own popularity; and in the fear of being guided by private interest, he
had gone to the extreme in the opposite line of conduct. He lived in
complete retirement, in his own military quarter, and was never seen
but at the trench or the council, in which latter place he would not
allow the slightest observation to be made against the French squadron.
As hopes were still entertained of obtaining assistance from the
latter, it was resolved to retreat to the north of the island; and M.
de Lafayette was sent on an embassy to M. d'Estaing. After having
travelled all night, he arrived at the moment when the general and his
officers were entering Boston. A grand repast, given by the town, was
followed by a conference between the council, the admiral, and himself,
at which M. d'Estaing, while he clearly demonstrated the insufficiency
of his naval force, offered to march himself with his troops. Every
word was submitted to M. de Lafayette, and the admiral remarked this
deference without appearing hurt by it. That same day, the 29th August,
Sullivan retreated from his post; and although the discontent which the
militia experienced had diminished the number of his troops, he
conducted this movement, and the attack which it occasioned, with great
ability.

The next morning, at the same time that M. de Lafayette was informed
of the event, he learnt also that the two armies were in close contact
at the north of the island, and that Clinton had arrived with a
reinforcement. Traversing then eighty miles in less than eight hours,
he repaired to Howland's Ferry, arriving there just as the army was
re-crossing it. A corps of a thousand men had been left on the
island, surrounded with divisions of the enemy: M. de Lafayette
undertook the charge of them, and succeeded in withdrawing them
without losing a single man. When congress returned thanks to him for
his conduct during this retreat, they likewise expressed their
gratitude for his journey to Boston, at the very period when he might
so rationally have expected an engagement.~[33] Sullivan returned to
Providence, and left M. de Lafayette in the command of the posts
around the island: the post of Bristol, in which his principal corps
was placed, was exposed to an attack by water; he announced this to
General Washington, to whom, Sullivan said, he thought the same idea
had also occurred. It was at this place he learnt the affair of
Ouessant, which he expected to celebrate as an important victory; but
the welfare of the squadron recalled him to Boston, where he felt he
could be useful to his countrymen. The general dissatisfaction was
soon appeased; and although M. de Saint Sauveur had been killed
accidentally in a tumult, the French had nevertheless full cause to
acknowledge the kindness and moderation of the Bostonians. During a
walk which he took with the Count d'Estaing, M. de Lafayette pointed
out to him the remains of the army of Burgoyne: two soldiers of
militia, stationed at each wing, alone constituted its guard. Feeling
that his presence was no longer necessary to the squadron, and
believing that it was his duty to return to France, M. de Lafayette
set out to rejoin the principal corps of the army at Philadelphia.

During that time, the commissioners had made many addresses and
proclamations. By endeavouring to gain over one member, Johnstone had
displeased the congress, who refused to treat with him. In a public
letter, signed Carlisle, the French nation was taxed with a _perfidy
too universally acknowledged to require any new proof_. With the
effervescence of youth and patriotism, M. de Lafayette seized this
opportunity of opposing the commission; and the first impulse of M.
d'Estaing was to approve of his conduct. A haughty challenge was sent
from head-quarters to Lord Carlisle: the answer was an ill-explained
refusal; and the impetuosity of M. de Lafayette was attended with a
good result, whilst the prudence of the president was ridiculed in
every public paper.~[34]

Soon afterwards, during M. de Lafayette's residence at Philadelphia,
the commission received its death-blow; whilst he was breakfasting
with the members of congress, the different measures proper to be
pursued were frankly and cheerfully discussed. The correspondence
which took place at that time is generally known; the congress
remained ever noble; firm, and faithful to its allies: secretary
Thomson, in his last letter to Sir Henry Clinton, informs him, that
"_the congress does not answer impertinent letters_." To conceal
nothing from the people, all the proposals were invariably printed;
but able writers were employed in pointing out the errors they
contained. In that happy country, where each man understood and
attended to public affairs, the newspapers became powerful instruments
to aid the revolution. The same spirit was also breathed from the
pulpit, for the Bible in many places favours republicanism. M. de
Lafayette, having once reproached an Anglican minister with speaking
only of heaven, went to hear him preach the following Sunday, and the
words, _the execrable house of Hanover_, proved the docility of the
minister.

M. de Lafayette addressed a polite letter to the French minister, and
wrote also to the congress, that, "whilst he believed himself free, he
had supported the cause under the American banner; that his country
was now at war, and that his services were first due to her; that he
hoped to return; and that he should always retain his zealous interest
for the United States." The congress not only granted him an unlimited
leave of absence, but added to it the most flattering expressions of
gratitude. It was resolved that a sword, covered with emblems, should
be presented to him, in the name of the United States, by their
minister in France; they wrote to the king; and the _Alliance_, of
thirty-six guns, their finest ship, was chosen to carry him back to
Europe. M. de Lafayette would neither receive from them anything
farther, nor allow them to ask any favour for him at the court of
France. But the congress, when proposing a co-operation in Canada,
expressed its wish of seeing the arrangement of the affair confided to
him: this project was afterwards deferred from the general's not
entertaining hopes Of its ultimate success. But although old
prejudices were much softened,--although the conduct of the admiral
and the squadron had excited universal approbation,--the congress, the
general, and, in short, every one, told M. de Lafayette that, in the
whole circuit of the thirteen states, vessels only were required, and
that the appearance of a French corps would alarm the nation. As M. de
Lafayette was obliged to embark at Boston, he set out again on this
journey of four hundred miles; he hoped, also, that he should be able
to take leave of M. d'Estaing, who had offered to accompany him to the
islands; and whose friendship and misfortunes affected him as deeply
as his active genius and patriotic courage excited his admiration.
Heated by fatiguing journeys and over exertion, and still more by the
grief he had experienced at Rhode Island; and having afterwards
laboured hard, drank freely, and passed several sleepless nights at
Philadelphia, M. de Lafayette proceeded on horseback, in a high state
of fever, and during a pelting autumnal rain. Fetes were given in
compliment to him throughout his journey, and he endeavoured to
strengthen himself with wine, tea, and rum: but at Fishkill, eight
miles from head-quarters, he was obliged to yield to the violence of
an inflammatory fever. He was soon reduced to the last extremity, and
the report of his approaching death distressed the army, by whom he
was called _the soldier's friend_, and the whole nation were unanimous
in expressing their good wishes and regrets for _the marquis_, the
name by which he was exclusively designated. From the first moment,
Cockran, director of the hospitals, left all his other occupations to
attend to him alone. General Washington came every day to inquire
after his friend; but, fearing to agitate him, he only conversed with
the physician, and returned home with tearful eyes, and a heart
oppressed with grief.~[35] Suffering acutely from a raging fever and
violent head-ache, M. de Lafayette felt convinced that he was dying,
but did not lose for a moment the clearness of his understanding:
having taken measures to be apprised of the approach of death, he
regretted that he could not hope again to see his country and the
dearest objects of his affection. Far from foreseeing the happy fate
that awaited him, he would willingly have exchanged his future chance
of life, in spite of his one and twenty years, for the certainty of
living but for three months, on the condition of again seeing his
friends, and witnessing the happy termination of the American war. But
to the assistance of medical art, and the assiduous care of Dr.
Cockran, nature added the alarming though salutary remedy of an
hemorrhage. At the expiration of three months, M. de Lafayette's life
was no longer in danger: he was at length allowed to see the general,
and think of public affairs. By decyphering a letter from M.
d'Estaing, he learnt that, in spite of twenty-one English vessels, the
squadron had set out for la Martinique. After having spent some days
together, and spoken of their past labours, present situations, and
future projects, General Washington and he took a tender and painful
leave of each other. At the same time that the enemies of this great
man have accused him of insensibility, they have acknowledged his
tenderness for M. de Lafayette; and how is it possible that he should
not have been warmly cherished by his disciple, he who, uniting all
that is good to all that is great, is even more sublime from his
virtues than from his talents? Had he been a common soldier, he would
have been the bravest in the ranks; had he been an obscure citizen,
all his neighbours would have respected him. With a heart and mind
equally correctly formed, he judged both of himself and circumstances
with strict impartiality. Nature, whilst creating him expressly for
that revolution, conferred an honour upon herself; and, to show her
work to the greatest possible advantage, she constituted it in such a
peculiar manner, that each distinct quality would have failed in
producing the end required, had it not been sustained by all the
others.

In spite of his extreme debility, M. de Lafayette, accompanied by his
physician, repaired, on horseback, to Boston, where Madeira wine
effectually restored his health. The crew of the _Alliance_ was not
complete, and the council offered to institute a press, but M. de
Lafayette would not consent to this method of obtaining sailors, and
it was at length resolved to make up the required number by embarking
some English deserters, together with some volunteers from among the
prisoners. After he had written to Canada, and sent some necklaces to
a few of the savage tribes, Brice and Nevil, his aides-de-camp, bore
his farewell addresses to the congress, the general, and his friends.
The inhabitants of Boston, who had given him so many proofs of their
kindness and attention, renewed their marks of affection at his
departure; and the _Alliance_ sailed on the 11th of January. A winter
voyage is always boisterous in that latitude; but on approaching the
banks of Newfoundland, the frigate experienced a violent storm: her
main-top mast torn away, injured by a heavy sea, filling with water,
during one long dark night she was in imminent danger; but a still
greater peril awaited her, two hundred leagues from the coast of
France. His British Majesty, encouraging, the mutiny of crews, had
issued a somewhat immoral proclamation, promising them the value of
every _rebel_ vessel that they should bring into an English port;
which exploit could only be performed by the massacre of the officers
and those who opposed the mutiny. This proclamation gave rise to a
plot which was formed by the English deserters and volunteers, who had
most imprudently been admitted, in great numbers, on board the ship:
not one American or Frenchman (for some French sailors had been found
at Boston, after the departure of the squadron) took part in this
conspiracy. The cry of _Sail_! was to be raised, and when the
passengers and officers came on deck, four cannon, loaded with
canister shot, prepared by the gunner's mate, were to blow them into
atoms. An English serjeant had also contrived to get possession of
some loaded arms. The hour first named was four in the morning, but
was changed to four in the afternoon. During that interim, the
conspirators, deceived by the accent of an American who had lived a
long time in Ireland, and traded on its coast, disclosed the plot to
him, and offered him the command of the frigate: the worthy man
pretended to accept it, and was only able to inform the captain and M.
de Lafayette of the conspiracy one hour before the time fixed for its
execution. They rushed, sword in hand, upon deck, followed by the
other passengers and officers, called upon their own sailors to assist
them, and, seized thirty-one of the culprits, whom they placed in
irons. Many others were accused in the depositions, but it was judged
expedient to appear to rely upon the rest of the crew, although real
confidence was only placed in the French and Americans. Eight days
afterwards, the _Alliance_ entered safely the port of Brest, February,
1779.

When I saw the port of Brest receive and salute the banner which
floated on my frigate, I recalled to mind the state of my country and
of America, and my peculiar situation when I quitted France. The
conspirators were merely exchanged as English prisoners, and I only
thought of rejoining my family and friends, of whom I had received no
intelligence during the last eight months. When I repaired to a court
which had hitherto only granted me _lettres de cachet_, M. de Poix
made me acquainted with all the ministers. I was interrogated,
complimented, and exiled, but to the good city of Paris; and the
residence of the Hotel de Noailles was selected, instead of according
me the horrors of the Bastille, which had been at first proposed. Some
days afterwards, I wrote to the king to acknowledge an error of which
the termination had been so fortunate: he permitted me to receive a
gentle reprimand in person; and, when my liberty was restored to me, I
was advised to avoid those places in which the public might consecrate
my disobedience by its approbation. On my arrival, I had the honour of
being consulted by all the ministers, and, what was far better,
embraced by all the ladies. Those embraces lasted but one day; but I
retained for a greater length of time the confidence of the cabinet,
and I enjoyed both favour at the court of Versailles, and popularity
at Paris. I was the theme of conversation in every circle, even after
the queen's kind exertions had obtained for me the regiment of the
king's dragoons. Times are widely changed; but I have retained all
that I most valued--popular favour and the affection of those I love.

Amidst the various tumultuous scenes that occupied my mind, I did not
forget our revolution, of which the ultimate success still appeared
uncertain. Accustomed to see great interests supported by slender
means, I often said to myself that the expense of one _fete_ would
have organized the army of the United States; and to clothe that army
I would willingly, according to the expression of M. de Maurepas, have
unfurnished the palace of Versailles. In the meantime, the principal
object of the quarrel, American independence, and the advantage our
government and reputation would derive from seizing the first
favourable opportunity, did not appear to me sufficiently promoted by
those immense preparations for trifling conquests, and those projects
conceived in the expectation of peace; for no person seriously
believed in war, not even when it was declared, after the _hundredth
injury_ had induced Spain to enter into those co-operations which
finally terminated in nothing more than noisy exercises.

Footnotes:

1. Note by M. de Lafayette upon the _Memoirs written by himself and
his American correspondence_.--Many papers relating to the first years
of my public life have been destroyed during the reign of terror. An
imperfect copy of these memoirs has been saved: this ought to have
been re-written; I have preferred copying it precisely as it was
originally composed.

Several letters written from America had been copied by my wife for
Dr. Dubrucil, (physician to the king and to _la Charite_, at St.
Germain-en-laza, deceased 1785,) whose friendship was the pride of
one portion of my life, and who has filled the remainder of it with a
deep and tender recollection. Those papers have been preserved; it
would be necessary to suppress some repetitions and insignificant
details, but I have left them almost all untouched, because, whilst
forming this collection, I felt pleasure in recalling the sentiments
that had animated me at various periods of my existence.

The Duke d'Ayen, my father-in-law, was not one of the least hasty and
severe censurers of my departure for America but he restored to me his
favour with all the kindness and sincerity which characterized him:
his affectionate congratulations deeply touched my heart. The same
feeling induces me at the present moment to repeat some details
contained in the letters I addressed to him.

2. Michel-Louis-Christophe-Roch-Gilbert de Motier, Marquis de
Lafayette, colonel of the grenadiers of France, Chevalier de St.
Louis, killed at the battle of Minden before the age of twenty-five.

3. The college du Plessis.

4. Marie-Louise-Julie de la Riviere, died at Paris the 12th of April,
1770, some days before her father Joseph-Yves-Thibauld-Hyacinthe,
Marquis de la Riviere.

5. Previous to the marriage of M. de Lafayette, we have only one
letter written by him at fourteen years of age, the 8th of February,
1772, which will be read perhaps with some curiosity. It is addressed
to his cousin, Mademoiselle de Chavaniac.

"I have just received, my dear cousin, your letter, and the good
account you give me of my grandmother's health. After that, which was
what first touched my heart, I was much interested by the account of
the hunt of the proprietor of the forests of Lata. I should like very
much to know whether those dogs that neither walk nor bark contributed
to the success of the expedition? The details of that hunt would have
amused me very much; if I had been speaking to you of a new-fashioned
cap, I should have thought it my duty to have described to you its
figure and proportions, with a compass in my hand.

"Our cousin's marriage is broken off; there is another one on the
carpet, but they are obliged to lower their tone exceedingly.
Mademoiselle de Roucherolles, a place with Madame de Bourbon, of a
thousand crowns a-year, and five thousand small livres a-year--that is
the whole amount. You see that this is a very short abridgment of the
other intended matches. My uncle, who came to see me the other day,
consents to the marriage, on condition that the Prince de Conde will
promise one of his regiments of cavalry to the cousin. Madame de
Montboissier thinks this is asking too much, and told M. le Marquis de
Canillic that, in truth, if he were so difficult, her husband would no
longer take any part in his affairs; this offended him and some high
words passed on both sides. The nephew does not care much about the
marriage. He said, there were in his own province far better matches,
which he named, that would not be refused him.

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