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Voyages of Samuel de Champlain V3 by Samuel de Champlain

S >> Samuel de Champlain >> Voyages of Samuel de Champlain V3

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The following is the occasion of the murder of the two unfortunate
deceased. One of the two murderers paid frequent visits to our settlement,
receiving there a thousand kindnesses and favors, among other persons from
Sieur du Parc, a nobleman from Normandy, in command at the time at Quebec,
in the service of the King and in behalf of the merchants of the
Association in the year 1616. This savage, while on one of his customary
visits, received one day, on account of some jealousy, ill treatment from
one of the two murdered men, who was by profession a locksmith, and who
after some words beat the savage so soundly as to impress it well upon his
memory. And not satisfied with beating and misusing the savage he incited
his companions to do the same, which aroused still more the hatred and
animosity of the savage towards this locksmith and his companions, and led
him to seek an opportunity to revenge himself. He accordingly watched for a
time and opportunity for doing so, acting however cautiously and appearing
as usual, without showing any sign of resentment.

Some time after, the locksmith and a sailor named Charles Pillet, from the
island of Re, arranged to go hunting and stay away three or four nights.
For this purpose they got ready a canoe, and embarking departed from Quebec
for Cape Tourmente. Here there were some little islands where a great
quantity of game and birds resorted, near Isle d'Orleans, and distant seven
leagues from Quebec. The departure of our men became at once known to the
two savages, who were not slow in starting to pursue them and carry out
their evil design. They sought for the place where the locksmith and his
companion went to sleep, in order to surprise them. Having ascertained it
at evening, at break of day on the following morning, the two savages
slipped quietly along certain very pleasant meadows. Arriving at a point
near the place in question, they moored their canoe, landed and went
straight to the cabin, where our men had slept. But they found only the
locksmith, who was preparing to go hunting with his companion, and who
thought of nothing less than of what was to befall him. One of these
savages approached him, and with some pleasant words removed from him all
suspicion of anything wrong in order that he might the better deceive
him. But as he saw him stoop to adjust his arquebus, he quickly drew a club
that he had concealed on his person, and gave the locksmith so heavy a blow
on his head, that it sent him staggering and completely stunned. The
savage, seeing that the locksmith was preparing to defend himself, repeated
his blow, struck him to the ground, threw himself upon him, and with a
knife gave him three or four cuts in the stomach, killing him in this
horrible manner.

In order that they might also get possession of the sailor, the companion
of the locksmith who had started early in the morning to go hunting, not
because they bore any special hatred towards him, but that they might not
be discovered nor accused by him, they went in all directions searching for
him. At last, from the report of an arquebus which they heard, they
discovered where he was, in which direction they rapidly hastened, so as to
give no time to the sailor to reload his arquebus and put himself in a
state of defence. Approaching, they fired their arrows at him, by which
having prostrated him, they ran upon him and finished him with the knife.

Then the assassins carried off the body, together with the other, and,
binding them so firmly together that they would not come apart, attached to
them a quantity of stones and pebbles, together with their weapons and
clothes, so as not to be discovered by any sign, after which they carried
them to the middle of the river, threw them in, and they sank to the
bottom. Here they remained a long time until, through the will of God, the
cords broke, and the bodies were washed ashore and thrown far up on the
bank, to serve as accusers and incontestable witnesses of the attack of
these two cruel and treacherous assassins. For the two bodies were found at
a distance of more than twenty feet from the water in the woods, but had
not become separated in so long a time, being still firmly bound, the
bones, stripped of the flesh like a skeleton, alone remaining. For the two
victims, contrary to the expectation of the two murderers, who thought they
had done their work so secretly that it would never be known, were found a
long time after their disappearance by the men of our settlement, who,
pained at their absence, searched for them along the banks of the river.
But God in his justice would not permit so enormous a crime, and had caused
it to be exposed by another savage, their companion, in retaliation for an
injury he had received from them. Thus their wicked acts were disclosed.

The holy Fathers and the men of the settlement were greatly surprised at
seeing the bodies of these two unfortunates, with their bones all bare, and
their skulls broken by the blows received from the club of the savages. The
Fathers and others at the settlement advised to preserve them in some
portion of the settlement until the return of our vessels, in order to
consult with all the French as to the best course to pursue in the matter.
Meanwhile our people at the settlement resolved to be on their guard, and
no longer allow so much freedom to these savages as they had been
accustomed to, but on the contrary require reparation for so cruel a murder
by a process of justice, or some other way, or let things in the mean time
remain as they were, in order the better to await our vessels and our
return, that we might all together consult what was to be done in the
matter.

But the savages seeing that this iniquity was discovered, and that they and
the murderer were obnoxious to the French, were seized with despair, and,
fearing that our men would exercise vengeance upon them for this murder,
withdrew for a while from our settlement.[207] Not only those guilty of the
act but the others also being seized with fear came no longer to the
settlement, as they had been accustomed to do, but waited for greater
security for themselves.

Finding themselves deprived of intercourse with us, and of their usual
welcome, the savages sent one of their companions named by the French, _La
Ferriere_, to make their excuses for this murder; namely, they asserted
they had never been accomplices in it, and had never consented to it, and
that, if it was desired to have the two murderers for the sake of
inflicting justice, the other savages would willingly consent to it, unless
the French should be pleased to take as reparation and restitution for the
dead some valuable presents of skins, as they are accustomed to do in
return for a thing that cannot be restored. They earnestly entreated the
French to accept this rather than require the death of the accused which
they anticipated would be hard for them to execute, and so doing to forget
everything as if it had not occurred.

To this, in accordance with the advice of the holy Fathers, it was decided
to reply that the savages should bring and deliver up the two malefactors,
in order to ascertain from them their accomplices, and who had incited them
to do the deed. This they communicated to La Ferriere for him to report to
his companions.

This decision having been made, La Ferriere withdrew to his companions, who
upon hearing the decision of the French found this procedure and mode of
justice very strange and difficult; since they have no established law
among themselves, but only vengeance and restitution by presents. After
considering the whole matter and deliberating with one another upon it,
they summoned the two murderers and set forth to them the unhappy position
into which they had been thrown by the event of this murder, which might
cause a perpetual war with the French, from which their women and children
would suffer. However much trouble they might give us, and although they
might keep us shut up in our settlement and prevent us from hunting,
cultivating and tilling the soil, and although we were in too small numbers
to keep the river blockaded, as they persuaded themselves to believe in
their consultations; still, after all their deliberations, they concluded
that it was better to live in peace with the French than in war and
perpetual distrust.

Accordingly the savages thus assembled, after finishing their consultation
and representing the situation to the accused, asked them if they would not
have the courage to go with them to the settlement of the French and appear
before them; promising them that they should receive no harm, and assuring
them that the French were lenient and disposed to pardon, and would in
short go so far in dealing with them as to overlook their offence on
condition of their not returning to such evil ways.

The two criminals, finding themselves convicted in conscience, yielded to
this proposition and agreed to follow this advice. Accordingly one of them
made preparations, arraying himself in such garments and decorations as he
could procure, as if he had been invited to go to a marriage or some great
festivity. Thus attired, he went to the settlement, accompanied by his
father, some of the principal chiefs, and the captain of their company. As
to the other murderer, he excused himself from this journey, [208]
realizing his guilt of the heinous act and fearing punishment.

When now they had entered the habitation, which was forthwith surrounded by
a multitude of the savages of their company, the bridge [209] was drawn up,
and all of the French put themselves on guard, arms in hand. They kept a
strict watch, sentinels being posted at the necessary points, for fear of
what the savages outside might do, since they suspected that it was
intended actually to inflict punishment upon the guilty one, who had so
freely offered himself to our mercy, and not upon him alone, but upon those
also who had accompanied him inside, who likewise were not too sure of
their persons, and who, seeing matters in this state, did not expect to get
out with their lives. The whole matter was very well managed and carried
out, so as to make them realize the magnitude of the crime and have fear
for the future. Otherwise there would have been no security with them, and
we should have been obliged to live with arms in hand and in perpetual
distrust.

After this, the savages suspecting lest something might happen contrary to
what they hoped from us, the holy Fathers proceeded to make them an address
on the subject of this crime. They set forth to them the friendship which
the French had shown them for ten or twelve years back, when we began to
know them, during which time we had continually lived in peace and intimacy
with them, nay even with such freedom as could hardly be expressed. They
added moreover that I had in person assisted them several times in war
against their enemies, thereby exposing my life for their welfare; while we
were not under any obligations to do so, being impelled only by friendship
and good will towards them, and feeling pity at the miseries and
persecutions which their enemies caused them to endure and suffer. This is
why we were unable to believe, they said, that this murder had been
committed without their consent, and especially since they had taken it
upon themselves to favor those who committed it.

Speaking to the father of the criminal, they represented to him the
enormity of the deed committed by his son, saying that as reparation for it
he deserved death, since by our law so wicked a deed did not go unpunished,
and that whoever was found guilty and convicted of it deserved to be
condemned to death as reparation for so heinous an act; but, as to the
other inhabitants of the country, who were not guilty of the crime, they
said no one wished them any harm or desired to visit upon them the
consequences of it.

All the savages, having clearly heard this, said, as their only excuse, but
with all respect, that they had not consented to this act; that they knew
very well that these two criminals ought to be put to death, unless we
should be disposed to pardon them; that they were well aware of their
wickedness, not before but after the commission of the deed; that they had
been informed of the death of the two ill-fated men too late to prevent it.
Moreover, they said that they had kept it secret, in order to preserve
constantly an intimate relationship and confidence with us, and declared
that they had administered to the evil-doers severe reprimands, and set
forth the calamity which they had not only brought upon themselves, but
upon all their tribe, relatives and friends; and they promised that such a
calamity should never occur again and begged us to forget this offence, and
not visit it with the consequences it deserved, but rather go back to the
primary motive which induced the two savages to go there, and have regard
for that. Furthermore they said that the culprit had come freely and
delivered himself into our hands, not to be punished but to receive mercy
from the French.

But the father, turning to the friar, [210] said with tears, there is my
son, who committed the supposed crime; he is worthless, but consider that
he is a young, foolish, and inconsiderate person, who has committed this
act through passion, impelled by vengeance rather than by premeditation: it
is in your power to give him life or death; you can do with him what you
please, since we are both in your hands.

After this address, the culprit son, presenting himself with assurance,
spoke these words. "Fear has not so seized my heart as to prevent my coming
to receive death according to my desserts and your law, of which I
acknowledge myself guilty." Then he stated to the company the cause of the
murder, and the planning and execution of it, just as I have related and
here set forth.

After his recital he addressed himself to one of the agents and clerks of
the merchants of our Association, named _Beauchaine_, begging him to put
him to death without further formality.

Then the holy Fathers spoke, and said to them, that the French were not
accustomed to put their fellow-men to death so suddenly, and that it was
necessary to have a consultation with all the men of the settlement, and
bring forward this affair as the subject of consideration. This being a
matter of great consequence, it was decided that it should be carefully
conducted and that it was best to postpone it to a more favorable occasion,
which would be better adapted to obtain the truth, the present time not
being favorable for many reasons.

In the first place, we were weak in numbers in comparison with the savages
without and within our settlement, who, resentful and full of vengeance as
they are, would have been capable of setting fire on all sides and creating
disorder among us. In the second place, there would have been perpetual
distrust and no security in our intercourse with them. In the third place,
trade would have been injured, and the service of the King impeded.

In view of these and other urgent considerations, it was decided that we
ought to be contented with their putting themselves in our power and their
willingness to give satisfaction submissively, the father of the criminal
on the one hand presenting and offering him to the company, and he, for his
part, offering to give up his own life as restitution for his offence, just
as his father offered to produce him whenever he might be required.

This it was thought necessary to regard as a sort of honorable amend, and a
satisfaction to justice. And it was considered that if we thus pardoned the
offence, not only would the criminal receive his life from us, but, also,
his father and companions would feel under great obligations. It was
thought proper, however, to say to them as an explanation of our action,
that, in view of the fact of the criminal's public assurance that all the
other savages were in no respect accomplices, or to blame for the act, and
had had no knowledge of it before its accomplishment, and in view of the
fact that he had freely offered himself to death, it had been decided to
restore him to his father, who should remain under obligations to produce
him at any time. On these terms and on condition that he should in future
render service to the French, his life was spared, that he and all the
savages might continue friends and helpers of the French.

Thus it was decided to arrange the matter until the vessels should return
from France, when, in accordance with the opinion of the captains and
others, a definite and more authoritative settlement was to be concluded.
In the mean time we promised them every favor and the preservation of their
lives, saying to them, however, for our security, that they should leave
some of their children as a kind of hostage, to which they very willingly
acceded, and left at the settlement two in the hands of the holy Fathers,
who proceeded to teach their letters, and in less than three months taught
them the alphabet and how to make the letters.

From this it may be seen that they are capable of instruction and are
easily taught, as Father Joseph [211] can testify.

The vessels having safely arrived, Sieur du Pont Grave, some others, and
myself were informed how the affair had taken place, as has been narrated
above, when we all decided that it was desirable to make the savages feel
the enormity of this murder, but not to execute punishment upon them, for
various good reasons hereafter to be mentioned.

As soon as our vessels had entered the harbor of Tadoussac, even on the
morning of the next day, [212] Sieur du Pont Grave and myself set sail
again, on a small barque of ten or twelve tons' burden. So also Sieur de la
Mothe, together with Father Jean d'Albeau, [213] a friar, and one of the
clerks and agent of the merchants, named _Loquin_, embarked on a little
shallop, and we set out together from Tadoussac. There remained on the
vessel another friar, called Father _Modeste_ [214] together with the pilot
and master, to take care of her. We arrived at Quebec, the place of our
settlement, on the 27th of June following. Here we found Fathers Joseph,
Paul, and Pacifique, the friars, [215] and Sieur Hebert [216] with his
family, together with the other members of the settlement. They were all
well, and delighted at our return in good health like themselves, through
the mercy of God.

The same day Sieur du Pont Grave determined to go to Trois Rivieres, where
the merchants carried on their trading, and to take with him some
merchandise, with the purpose of meeting Sieur des Chesnes, who was already
there. He also took with him Loquin, as before mentioned. I stayed at our
settlement some days, occupying myself with business relating to it; among
other things in building a furnace for making an experiment with certain
ashes, directions for which had been given me, and which are in truth of
great value; but it requires labor, diligence, watchfulness and skill; and
for the working of these ashes a sufficient number of men are needed who
are acquainted with this art. This first experiment did not prove
successful, and we postponed further trial to a more favorable opportunity.

I visited the cultivated lands, [217] which I found planted with fine
grain. The gardens contained all kinds of plants, cabbages, radishes,
lettuce, purslain, sorrel, parsley, and other plants, squashes, cucumbers,
melons, peas, beans and other vegetables, which were as fine and forward as
in France. There were also the vines, which had been transplanted, already
well advanced. In a word, you could see everything growing and flourishing.
Aside from God, we are not to give the praise for this to the laborers or
their skill, for it is probable that not much is due to them, but to the
richness and excellence of the soil, which is naturally good and adapted
for everything, as experience shows, and might be turned to good account,
not only for purposes of tillage and the cultivation of fruit-trees and
vines, but also for the nourishment and rearing of cattle and fowl, such as
are common in France. But the thing lacking is zeal and affection for the
welfare and service of the King.

I tarried some time at Quebec, in expectation of further intelligence, when
there arrived a barque from Tadoussac, which had been sent by Sieur du
Pont Grave to get the men and merchandise remaining at that place on the
before-mentioned large vessel. Leaving Quebec, I embarked with them for
Trois Rivieres, where the trading was going on, in order to see the savages
and communicate with them, and ascertain what was taking place respecting
the assassination above set forth, and what could be done to settle and
smooth over the whole matter.

On the 5th of July following I set out from Quebec, together with Sieur de
la Mothe, for Trois Rivieres, both for engaging in traffic and to see the
savages. We arrived, at evening off Sainte Croix, [218] a place on the way
so called. Here we saw a shallop coming straight to us, in which were some
men from Sieurs du Pont Grave and des Chesnes, and also some clerks and
agents of the merchants. They asked me to despatch at once this shallop to
Quebec for some merchandise remaining there, saying that a large number of
savages had come for the purpose of making war.

This intelligence was very agreeable to us, and in order to satisfy them,
on the morning of the next day I left my barque and went on board a shallop
in order to go more speedily to the savages, while the other, which had
come from Trois Rivieres, continued its course to Quebec. We made such
progress by rowing that we arrived at the before-mentioned place on the 7th
of July at 3 o'clock in the afternoon. Upon landing, all the savages with
whom I had been intimate in their country recognized me. They were awaiting
me with impatience, and came up to me very happy and delighted to see me
again, one after the other embracing me with demonstrations of great joy, I
also receiving them in the same manner. In this agreeable way was spent the
evening and remainder of this day, and on the next day the savages held a
council among themselves, to ascertain from me whether I would again assist
them, as I had done in the past and as I had promised them, in their wars
against their enemies, by whom they are cruelly harassed and tortured.

Meanwhile on our part we took counsel together to determine what we should
do in the matter of the murder of the two deceased, in order that justice
might be done, and that they might be restrained from committing such an
offence in future.

In regard to the assistance urgently requested by the savages for making
war against their enemies, I replied that my disposition had not changed
nor my courage abated, but that what prevented me from assisting them was
that on the previous year, when the occasion and opportunity presented,
they failed me when the time came; because when they had promised to return
with a good number of warriors they did not do so, which caused me to
withdraw without accomplishing much. Yet I told them the matter should be
taken into consideration, but that for the present it was proper to
determine what should be done in regard to the assassination of the two
unfortunate men, and that satisfaction must be had. Upon this they left
their council in seeming anger and vexation about the matter, offering to
kill the criminals, and proceed at once to their execution, if assent were
given, and acknowledging freely among themselves the enormity of the
affair.

But we would not consent to this, postponing our assistance to another
time, requiring them to return to us the next year with a good number of
men. I assured them, moreover, that I would entreat the King to favor us
with men, means, and supplies to assist them and enable them to enjoy the
rest they longed for, and victory over their enemies. At this they were
greatly pleased, and thus we separated, after they had held two or three
meetings on the subject, costing us several hours of time. Two or three
days after my arrival at this place they proceeded to make merry, dance,
and celebrate many great banquets in view of the future war in which I was
to assist them.

Then I stated to Sieur du Pont Grave what I thought about this murder; that
it was desirable to make a greater demand upon them; that at present the
savages would dare not only to do the same thing again but what would be
more injurious to us; that I considered them people who were governed by
example; that they might accuse the French of being wanting in courage;
that if we said no more about the matter they would infer that we were
afraid of them: and that if we should let them go so easily they would grow
more insolent, bold, and intolerable, and we should even thereby tempt them
to undertake greater and more pernicious designs. Moreover I said that the
other tribes of savages, who had or should get knowledge of this act, and
that it had been unrevenged, or compromised by gifts and presents, as is
their custom, would boast that killing a man is no great matter; since the
French make so little account of seeing their companions killed by their
neighbors, who drink, eat, and associate intimately with them, as may be
seen.

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Fidel and Che: a revolutionary friendship

After last week's fairly open theme, I thought I'd go with something a bit more structured this time. As I type this, I'm listening to Steeleye Span and thinking about the great ballad traditions of Britain and Ireland. What is a ballad? I suppose the most inclusive definition would be that it's a singable narrative poem: that covers a multitude but will do for the moment.

Ballads in English stretch back to the middle ages, with fine examples to be found among the Scottish border ballads and the English Robin Hood poems. These early ballads are among the best-known poems and stories in the language, and form part of the common heritage of English speakers everywhere. They gave rise to a tradition of ballad-making that endures down to the present day.

In fact, most poets since have tried their hand at the ballad at one time or another, and the result has been to deny any definition more specific than the one I ventured in my first paragraph. If you look around the internet, you'll come up with a wide selection of poems that are called ballads but have little in common formally. Stanza length varies from two to 10 or more lines, and all sorts of metrical and rhyming patterns are used. A good number will be singable in only the loosest possible sense, and at times the narrative tends to get lost in a mesh of more-or-less successful verbal embroidery.

So, what should a ballad be? Well, "proper" ballad stanzas are quatrains in which the first and third lines have four stresses and the second and third have three. The lines will rhyme A-B-C-B or A-B-A-B. It's as simple, and as difficult, as that. Here's an example, from Robert Burns's extremely singable Comin Thro' the Rye:

Gin a body meet a body
          Comin thro' the rye,
Gin a body kiss a body –
          Need a body cry.

Burns wrote a good number of ballads, and his lead was followed by many 19th-century poets. Two examples that I particularly like are Robert Browning's Confessions and Christina Rossetti's Up-Hill, but you can find ballads by just about any Romantic or Victorian poet if you look for them.

There is a long, strong tradition of ballads and ballad singers in Ireland, too. It is hardly surprising, then, that the great appropriator of tradition, WB Yeats, tried his hand at the form. At least four of his poems have the word "ballad" in the title; the pick of the bunch, for my money, is The Ballad of Father Gilligan, which may have benefited from having been written with a specific tune in mind.

Ballads continued to be written in the 20th century; perhaps the most unexpected exponents were Ezra Pound, with his Ballad of the Goodly Fere, and WH Auden. In fact, the ballad The Quarry is probably my favourite Auden poem.

And so, this week I invite a chorus of balladeering. You may choose to go the whole hog and write in ballad stanzas or you might prefer to take a more liberal view of the formal requirements. Either way, sing up and – as they say at all the best Irish sessions when calling for a bit of hush for the singer – one voice please.

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Obituary: Donald Westlake

The disputed Holocaust memoir, written by Herman Rosenblat, which was dropped from Penguin Group's publication schedule at the end of December is now set to appear as a work of fiction.

Rosenblat's memoir - which Oprah Winfrey called "the single greatest love story" she had heard in two decades in television - recounted how as a teenage boy in a Nazi concentration camp, he was kept alive by the food which was thrown to him by a young girl, Roma Radzicky. Penguin's US imprint Berkley Books had planned to publish the story, which sees Rosenblat reunited with Radzicky on a blind date years later, as Angel at the Fence: the True Story of a Love That Survived, next month.

But a Holocaust historian said it would have been impossible to approach the fence in the Schlieben concentration camp to throw food over it, concluding that this part of the story was made-up. Berkley initially defended the book, saying it was a work of memory, but then decided to cancel its planned publication, and demanded the return of the advance it had made to Rosenblat. A $25m film based on the book, to be called The Flower of the Fence, is still going ahead, with production due to start this year.

Publisher York House Press based in White Plains, New York, has entered into a tentative agreement with the film production company to publish a novel based on the film script early this spring. It said the book would be "grounded in fact", and would rise "to the proper levels of artistic value, ethical conduct and social responsibility".

A spokesperson for York House Press condemned the attacks which were made on the 80-year-old Rosenblat after the veracity of his story was questioned, describing them as a "savage" response to what was otherwise "a credible, heart-wrenching, and verifiable account" of his time in the concentration camp.

"No deliberate untruth is permissible, but beneath any fabrication is motivation and intent. We believe Mr. Rosenblat's motivations were very human, understandable and forgivable," the spokesperson said. "It is beyond our expertise to know how Holocaust survivors cope with their trauma. Do they deny, try to forget, rationalise or fantasise and promote fiction along with truth? Perhaps the coping mechanisms are as individual as the survivors themselves."

The president of the company producing the film, Harris Salomon from Atlantic Overseas Productions, said the book, "regardless of its shortcomings", would "challenge, educate and enlighten" readers about the horrors of the Holocaust. "The documented fact, acknowledged by his critics, is that Herman is a survivor of concentration camps," he said.

But Rosenblat's agent, Andrea Hurst, said that neither she nor Rosenblat were involved with this version of his story. "Usually book rights from films come out after the movie is released," she told guardian.co.uk. "I think the timing on this is very insensitive."

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Theatre review: Three Women / Jermyn Street, London
Obituary: Prolific crime novelist, Oscar-nominated screenwriter and man of many pseudonyms

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